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Latest Digestion cheap levitra for sale News how to get prescribed levitra THURSDAY, Nov. 4, 2021 (HealthDay News) Here's some comforting news for people who struggle with inflammatory bowel disease and worry that the immune-suppressing drugs they must take might blunt their response to erectile dysfunction treatments. New research finds vaccination triggers a strong immune reaction in cheap levitra for sale these patients.

"At eight weeks, following completion of a two-dose mRNA treatment series, 99% of patients had detectable antibodies from the treatment, irrespective of whether or not they were receiving immunocompromising therapies," said lead study author Dr. Gil Melmed. He is director cheap levitra for sale of inflammatory bowel disease clinical research at Cedars-Sinai in Los Angeles.

Previous research has shown that other groups of patients receiving treatments that weaken their immune systems — such as transplant patients who take drugs to prevent organ rejection and cancer patients receiving chemotherapy — display much lower rates of antibody response to erectile dysfunction treatments. The new cheap levitra for sale study was published recently in the Annals of Internal Medicine. Ulcerative colitis and Crohn's disease are two forms of inflammatory bowel disease (IBD), in which an abnormal immune response causes chronic and often destructive inflammation of the digestive tract.

Many patients with IBD take medications to suppress their immune system. The study did find that the antibody response in IBD patients differed at a certain point after receiving their cheap levitra for sale second dose of erectile dysfunction treatment, and the differences were due to the type of immunosuppressive medications they were taking. According to co-principal investigator Dr.

Dermot McGovern, "After eight weeks, we noted lower antibody levels in patients receiving anti-TNF (tumor necrosis factor) therapies or corticosteroids compared to patients treated with the immune-response blocking drugs anti-tegrin, anti-IL12/23." McGovern is director of translational cheap levitra for sale research at the Inflammatory Bowel and Immunobiology Research Institute at Cedars-Sinai. "However," he added, "these findings should still reassure IBD patients — and the millions of people who use these types of immunosuppressive medications — that the immediate response to mRNA treatments against erectile dysfunction, the levitra that causes erectile dysfunction treatment, is good and on par with IBD patients who are not taking any drug therapies. Even so, patients receiving anti-TNF therapy or corticosteroids may be the ones most likely to benefit from a third dose of the treatment." Overall, the IBD patients' antibody response to erectile dysfunction treatment vaccination was similar to that of people with healthy immune systems, the researchers noted.

Immunosuppressed patients cheap levitra for sale are often viewed as a high-risk group. But, Melmed said, this "study shows that while there may be differences based on medication types, almost all IBD patients have positive responses to the mRNA treatment." The researchers are now assessing other aspects of erectile dysfunction treatment response in IBD patients more directly associated with protection from , such as T-cell function and neutralizing antibody responses. More information The Crohn's &.

Colitis Foundation cheap levitra for sale of America has more on IBD. SOURCE. Cedars-Sinai, news release, cheap levitra for sale Nov.

2, 2021 Robert Preidt Copyright © 2021 HealthDay. All rights reserved.Latest Prevention &. Wellness News FRIDAY, Nov cheap levitra for sale.

5, 2021 All U.S. Adults younger than 60 should cheap levitra for sale be vaccinated against hepatitis B, the Advisory Committee on Immunization Practices recommended Wednesday. Until now, the shots were recommended only for certain groups of adults, including prisoners, health care workers, international travelers, people with diabetes and certain other conditions, and those who inject drugs or who have multiple sexual partners, the Associated Press reported.

Hepatitis B vaccinations became standard for U.S. Children in 1991, so most adults younger than 30 are already cheap levitra for sale protected. The government advisory committee's unanimous decision -- which still requires the approval of the U.S.

Centers for Disease Control and cheap levitra for sale Prevention -- comes as progress against the liver-damaging disease stalls. It's not clear when CDC Director Dr. Rochelle Walensky will make a decision on the committee's recommendation.

If she gives the OK, tens of millions of adults between the ages of 30 and 59 would be advised to get the shots against the cheap levitra for sale liver-damaging disease, the AP reported. The shots are given in either two or three doses, spaced a month or more apart. CDC data suggests that only about one-third of people with diabetes and chronic liver conditions have been vaccinated, and just two-thirds of eligible health care workers, the AP reported.

Overall, about 30% of all adults are vaccinated cheap levitra for sale. Roughly 1.9 million Americans are living with hepatitis B s, though many may not experience liver damage for many years. The U.S cheap levitra for sale.

Government has set a goal of eliminating viral hepatitis by 2030. About 20,000 new hepatitis B s occur each year in the United States, according to health officials. The rate cheap levitra for sale has been generally stable, but has been rising among adults in their 40s and 50s.

The levitra is spread through contact with blood or other bodily fluids, and many recent cases have been linked to the opioid epidemic, the AP said. "We're losing ground cheap levitra for sale. We cannot eliminate hepatitis B in the U.S.

Without a new approach," the CDC's Dr. Mark Weng cheap levitra for sale told the AP. More information Visit the U.S.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for more on hepatitis cheap levitra for sale B. SOURCE. Associated Press Robert Preidt Copyright © 2021 HealthDay.

All rights cheap levitra for sale reserved. SLIDESHOW Whooping Cough (Pertussis) Symptoms, treatment Facts See SlideshowLatest Healthy Kids News By Dennis Thompson HealthDay ReporterFRIDAY, Nov. 5, 2021 (HealthDay News) cheap levitra for sale Across the country, children ages 5 to 11 are lining up to get their first dose of Pfizer's newly approved erectile dysfunction treatment pediatric treatment.

Most kids fear needles, but a few simple steps can help your young one get their erectile dysfunction treatment shots with the fewest tears shed, experts say. First, you need to get your own head together, said Dr. Vera Feuer, director of emergency psychiatry and behavioral health urgent cheap levitra for sale care at Cohen Children's Medical Center in New Hyde Park, N.Y.

"Before talking to your child about the treatment, check your own temperature first," Feuer said. "Make sure you are calm and present it in a matter-of-fact, confident manner, so your child can feel good and safe about getting the treatment. Children pick up on their parents' stress and anxiety, and it is very important cheap levitra for sale to model good coping for them." Once you've got yourself in the right frame of mind, prepare your child for what they should expect at the doctor's office, pharmacy or community clinic.

It's better if you have this conversation a day or so before their appointment, and to be completely honest about the experience, said Dr. Catherine Pourdavoud, a pediatrician with the Calabasas Pediatrics Wellness Center in Calabasas, cheap levitra for sale Calif. "You want to build trust for future treatments and doctor's visits, too, so it's best not to surprise your child on the day of the treatment or tell them it won't hurt," Pourdavoud said.

Language matters At the same time, there's nothing wrong with couching your conversation in words that are less scary to kids, Pourdavoud added. "Using words like 'poke' or 'pinch' instead of 'shot' or cheap levitra for sale 'needle' can create a more positive experience for your child," Pourdavoud said. Be sure it's a two-way conversation, Feuer added.

Ask them about their fears and concerns related to getting a shot, and correct any misinformation they might cheap levitra for sale have. "With kids that are younger or particularly scared, practicing at home with a doll or reading books about it can also be helpful in alleviating fears," Feuer said. On the day of their appointment, take pains to help your child feel as in control of the experience as they can, Feuer said.

"We all cheap levitra for sale feel better and less anxious when we feel in control," Feuer said. "Whatever choices can be given to your child, let them choose. The shirt they wear, the arm they get the shot in, who they go to the appointment with, what toy to bring for comfort or distraction -- find and offer choices whenever you can, so kids can feel that the situation is in their control." In fact, asking cheap levitra for sale your child to choose a favorite stuffed animal, toy or game to bring along can help them remain calm during the vaccination, Pourdavoud said.

"She can hug teddy tightly or hold both his hand and yours when she is getting her poke," Pourdavoud said. "For older children, their comfort item might be a phone or tablet to watch a video or listen to music on before and during their immunization -- even pediatricians approve of screen time for distracting during treatments and procedures." Make your pediatrician your partner Feuer and Pourdavoud both recommend reaching out to your pediatrician ahead of time, to come up with the best plan to both ease your child's fears and get them through the shot. "Engage your pediatric providers in making a plan and preparing your child," Feuer said cheap levitra for sale.

"They have a lot of experience in getting kids through painful moments like this." When it's your kid's turn, you can offer to let them sit in your lap or hold your hand, the experts said. You might sing a song with them, or do something else that distracts them from the needle. Your doctor might be able to apply a cheap levitra for sale numbing cream or spray prior to the shot, to lessen the sensation of the prick, Pourdavoud said.

There also are vibration devices that can help distract your child's brain from the needle poke. And once it's cheap levitra for sale all done, be sure to reward your child with praise and attention. "After your child gets the treatment, congratulate and praise her on what an amazing job she did and just how proud you are of her!.

" Pourdavoud said. "Give her a high-five, warm tight hug, or cheap levitra for sale sticker. "You may even want to stop by the park on the way home to hop on the swing, buy a special treat like a new book from the bookstore, or share some ice cream to create a positive memory from the experience," she continued.

"Even if your child cried or cheap levitra for sale screamed, still praise her when it's done!. Nobody likes getting shots, and your child was super brave." More information Children's Hospital Colorado has more about helping your kids cope with shots. SOURCES.

Vera Feuer, MD, director, emergency psychiatry and behavioral health urgent care, Cohen Children's Medical Center, New Hyde Park, cheap levitra for sale N.Y.. Catherine Pourdavoud, MD, pediatrician, Calabasas Pediatrics Wellness Center, Calabasas, Calif Copyright © 2021 HealthDay. All rights reserved.Latest erectile dysfunction News cheap levitra for sale FRIDAY, Nov.

5, 2021 (HealthDay News) -- The risk of serious illness or death is lower among vaccinated people who get breakthrough erectile dysfunction treatment s than among unvaccinated people who get infected, two new studies confirm. An ongoing study of 780,000 U.S. Veterans found that all three treatments available in the cheap levitra for sale United States provide strong protection against severe disease and death, despite a significant decline in their effectiveness against mild and asymptomatic , CNN reported.

"Although breakthrough increased risk of death, vaccination remained protective against death in persons who became infected during the Delta surge," the researchers wrote in the study published Nov. 4 in the journal Science. "Our analysis cheap levitra for sale by treatment type, including the Pfizer-BioNTech, Moderna and [Johnson &.

Johnson's] Janssen treatments, suggests declining treatment effectiveness against over time, particularly for the Janssen treatment," the researchers said. "Yet, despite increasing risk of due to the Delta variant, treatment effectiveness against death remained high, and compared to unvaccinated Veterans, those fully vaccinated had a much lower risk of death after ." The second study found that unvaccinated people with s were cheap levitra for sale much more likely to end up in the hospital on a ventilator or to die than people who had breakthrough s after being fully vaccinated with the Pfizer or Moderna treatments. Researchers analyzed data on more than 4,500 patients admitted to 21 U.S.

Hospitals with respiratory diseases between March and July and found that unvaccinated patients accounted for 84.2% of erectile dysfunction treatment hospitalizations, 91% of erectile dysfunction treatment deaths and nearly 94% of those who either needed a ventilator or who died, CNN reported. The study was published Nov cheap levitra for sale. 4 in the Journal of the American Medical Association.

"We are very confident now that the treatment is still helping you, even if you get erectile dysfunction treatment," study team cheap levitra for sale leader Dr. Wesley Self, an associate professor at Vanderbilt University, told CNN. "Even those who get sick don't get as sick as they would if they were unvaccinated." More information Visit the U.S.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention for more on erectile dysfunction treatment cheap levitra for sale treatments. SOURCE. CNN Robert Preidt Copyright © 2021 cheap levitra for sale HealthDay.

All rights reserved.Latest erectile dysfunction News FRIDAY, Nov. 5, 2021 (HealthDay News) The number of new erectile dysfunction treatment vaccinations in the United States rose for eight straight days in late October, the longest period of increases since early August, government data shows. The latest cheap levitra for sale figures from the U.S.

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show that the nationwide seven-day moving average of first doses rose to 264,549 a day on Oct. 29, and that all but two states -- Utah and West Virginia -- averaged a faster rate of first shots than in the previous week, CBS News reported. The White House recently announced that nearly 7 in 10 adults are fully vaccinated, and cheap levitra for sale highlighted two other important vaccination achievements.

"A year ago, we had no treatments. Just this week, we hit an important cheap levitra for sale milestone. 80% of adults have at least one shot.

That's four out of every five adults. And for our seniors, over 95% have gotten cheap levitra for sale at least one shot," President Joe Biden said Wednesday, CBS News reported. But at least some of the recent surge in first doses could also be from incorrectly reported booster shots, CBS News reported.In New Hampshire, which on Wednesday became the ninth state in the CDC's tally to reach 90% of their adult residents with at least one dose, the state's top health official told a local radio station that she suspected boosters might be inflating the figures."Because of the inability to link across multiple sources of de-identified data, some booster doses may be counted as primary doses," CDC spokesman Scott Pauley told CBS News.Nationwide, the average daily pace of boosters has climbed to 775,513, nearly triple the daily number of first shots, CBS News reported.

More than a quarter of vaccinated seniors now have an additional dose.Health experts have warned that the booster and first-dose campaigns need to speed up cheap levitra for sale as the cold months of winter approach. More information Visit the U.S. Food and Drug Administration for more on erectile dysfunction treatments.

SOURCE. CBS News Robert Preidt and Robin Foster Copyright © 2021 HealthDay. All rights reserved..

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AbstractBrazil is viagra levitra cialis offers currently home to the largest http://fieldrecordings.tv/student-internships Japanese population outside of Japan. In Brazil today, Japanese-Brazilians are considered to be successful members of Brazilian society. This was not always the case, however, and Japanese immigrants to Brazil endured much hardship to attain their viagra levitra cialis offers current level of prestige. This essay explores this community’s trajectory towards the formation of the Japanese-Brazilian identity and the issues of mental health that arise in this immigrant community. Through the analysis of Japanese-Brazilian novels, TV shows, film and public health studies, I seek to disentangle the themes of gender and modernisation, and how these themes concurrently grapple with Japanese-Brazilian mental health issues.

These fictional narratives provide a lens into the experience of the Japanese-Brazilian community that is unavailable in traditional medical studies about their mental health.filmliterature and medicinemental health caregender studiesmedical humanitiesData availability statementData are available in a public, open access repository.Introduction and philosophical backgroundWork in the medical humanities has noted the importance of the ‘medical gaze’ and how it viagra levitra cialis offers may ‘see’ the patient in ways which are specific, while possessing broad significance, in relation to developing medical knowledge. To diagnosis. And to the social position of the medical profession.1 Some authors have emphasised that vision is a distinctive modality of perception which merits its own consideration, viagra levitra cialis offers and which may have a particular role to play in medical education and understanding.2 3 The clothing we wear has a strong impact on how we are perceived. For example, commentary in this journal on the ‘white coat’ observes that while it may rob the medical doctor of individuality, it nonetheless grants an elevated status4. In contrast, the patient hospital gown may rob patients of individuality in a way that stigmatises them,5 reducing their status in the ward, and ultimately dehumanises them, in conflict with the humanistic approaches seen as central to the best practice in the care of older patients, and particularly those living with dementia.6The broad context of our concern is the visibility of patients and their needs.

We draw on observations made during an ethnographic study of the everyday care of viagra levitra cialis offers people living with dementia within acute hospital wards, to consider how patients’ clothing may impact on the way they were perceived by themselves and by others. Hence, we draw on this ethnography to contribute to discussion of the ‘medical gaze’ in a specific and informative context.The acute setting illustrates a situation in which there are great many biomedical, technical, recording, and timetabled routine task-oriented demands, organised and delivered by different staff members, together with demands for care and attention to particular individuals and an awareness of their needs. Within this ward setting, we focus on patients who are living with dementia, since this group may be particularly vulnerable to a dehumanising gaze.6 We frame our discussion within the broader context of the general philosophical question of how we acquire knowledge of different types, and the moral consequences of this, particularly knowledge through visual perception.Debates throughout the history of philosophy raise questions about the nature and sources of our knowledge. Contrasts are often drawn between more reliable or less reliable viagra levitra cialis offers knowledge. And between knowledge that is more technical or ‘objective’, and knowledge that is more emotionally based or more ‘subjective’.

A frequent point of viagra levitra cialis offers discussion is the reliability and characteristics of perception as a source of knowledge. This epistemological discussion is mostly focused on vision, indicating its particular importance as a mode of perception to humans.7Likewise, in ethics, there is discussion of the origin of our moral knowledge and the particular role of perception.8 There is frequent recognition that the observer has some significant role in acquiring moral knowledge. Attention to qualities of the moral observer is not in itself a denial of moral reality. Indeed, it viagra levitra cialis offers is the very essence of an ethical response to the world to recognise the deep reality of others as separate persons. The nature of ethical attention to the world and to those around us is debated and has been articulated in various ways.

The quality of ethical attention may vary and achieving a high level of ethical attention may require certain conditions, certain virtues, and the time and mental space to attend to the situation and claims of the other.9Consideration has already been given to how different modes of attention to the world might be of relevance to the practice of medicine. Work that examines different ways of processing information, and of interacting with and being in the world, can be viagra levitra cialis offers found in Iain McGilchrist’s The Master and His Emissary,10 where he draws on neurological discoveries and applies his ideas to the development of human culture. McGilchrist has recently expanded on the relevance of understanding two different approaches to knowledge for the practice of medicine.11 He argues that task-oriented perception, and a wider, more emotionally attuned awareness of the environment are necessary partners, but may in some circumstances compete, with the competitive edge often being given to the narrower, task-based attention.There has been critique of McGilchrist’s arguments as well as much support. We find his work a useful framework for understanding important debates in the ethics of medicine and of nursing about relationships of staff to viagra levitra cialis offers patients. In particular, it helps to illuminate the consequences of patients’ dress and personal appearance for how they are seen and treated.Dementia and personal appearanceOur work focuses on patients living with dementia admitted to acute hospital wards.

Here, they are a large group, present alongside older patients unaffected by dementia, as well as younger patients. This mixed population provides a useful setting to consider the impact of personal appearance on different patient groups.The role of appearance in the presentation of the self has been explored extensively by Tseëlon,12 13 viagra levitra cialis offers drawing on Goffman’s work on stigma5 and the presentation of the self14 using interactionist approaches. Drawing on the experiences on women in the UK, Tseëlon argues Goffman’s interactionist approach best supports how we understand the relationship appearance plays in self presentation, and its relationships with other signs and interactions surrounding it. Tseëlon suggests that understandings in this area, in the role appearance and clothing have in the presentation of the self, have been restricted by the perceived trivialities of the topic and limited to the field of fashion studies.15The personal appearance of older patients, and patients living with dementia in particular, has, more recently, been shown to be worthy of attention and of particular significance. Older people are often assumed to be left out of fashion, yet a concern with appearance remains.16 17 Lack of attention to clothing and to personal care may be one sign of viagra levitra cialis offers the varied symptoms associated with cognitive impairment or dementia, and so conversely, attention to appearance is one way of combatting the stigma associated with dementia.

Families and carers may also feel the importance of personal appearance. The significant body of work by Twigg and Buse in this field in particular draws attention to the role clothing has on preserving the identity and dignity or people living with dementia, while also constraining viagra levitra cialis offers and enabling elements of care within long-term community settings.16–19 Within this paper, we examine the ways in which these phenomena can be even more acutely felt within the impersonal setting of the acute hospital.Work has also shown how people living with dementia strongly retain a felt, bodily appreciation for the importance of personal appearance. The comfort and sensuous feel of familiar clothing may remain, even after cognitive capacities such as the ability to recognise oneself in a mirror, or verbal fluency, are lost.18 More strongly still, Kontos,20–22 drawing on the work of Merleau-Ponty and of Bourdieu, has convincingly argued that this attention to clothing and personal appearance is an important aspect of the maintenance of a bodily sense of self, which is also socially mediated, in part via such attention to appearance. Our observations lend support to Kontos’ hypothesis.Much of this previous work has considered clothing in the everyday life of people living with dementia in the context of community or long-term residential care.18 Here, we look at the visual impact of clothing and appearance in the different setting of the hospital ward and consider the consequent implications for patient care. This setting enables us to consider how the short-term and unfamiliar environments of the acute ward, together with the contrast between personal and institutional attire, impact on the perception of the patient by self and by others.There is a body of literature that examines the work of restoring the appearance of residents within long-term community care settings, for instance Ward et al’s work that demonstrates the importance of hair and grooming as a key component of care.23 viagra levitra cialis offers 24 The work of Iltanen-Tähkävuori25 examines the usage of garments designed for long-term care settings, exploring the conflict between clothing used to prevent undressing or facilitate the delivery of care, and the distress such clothing can cause, being powerfully symbolic of lower social status and associated with reduced autonomy.26 27Within this literature, there has also been a significant focus on the role of clothing, appearance and the tasks of personal care surrounding it, on the older female body.

A corpus of feminist literature has examined the ageing process and the use of clothing to conceal ageing, the presentation of a younger self, or a ‘certain’ age28 It argues that once the ability to conceal the ageing process through clothing and grooming has been lost, the aged person must instead conceal themselves, dressing to hide themselves and becoming invisible in the process.29 This paper will explore how institutional clothing within hospital wards affects both the male and female body, the presentation of the ageing body and its role in reinforcing the invisibility of older people, at a time when they are paradoxically most visible, unclothed and undressed, or wearing institutional clothing within the hospital ward.Institutional clothing is designed and used to fulfil a practical function. Its use may therefore perhaps incline us towards a ‘task-based’ mode of attention, which as McGilchrist argues,10 while having a vital place in our understanding of the world, may on occasion interfere with the forms of attention that may be needed to deliver good person-oriented care responsive to individual needs.MethodsEthnography involves the in-depth study of people’s actions and accounts within their natural everyday setting, collecting relatively unstructured data from a range of sources.30 Importantly, it can take into account the perspectives of patients, carers and hospital staff.31 Our approach to ethnography is informed by the symbolic interactionist research tradition, which aims to provide an interpretive understanding of the social world, with an emphasis on interaction, focusing on understanding how action and meaning are constructed within a setting.32 The value of this approach is the depth of understanding and theory generation it can provide.33The goal of ethnography is to identify social processes within the data. There are multiple complex and nuanced interactions within these clinical settings that are viagra levitra cialis offers capable of ‘communicating many messages at once, even of subverting on one level what it appears to be “saying” on another’.34 Thus, it is important to observe interaction and performance. How everyday care work is organised and delivered. By obtaining observational data from within each institution on the everyday work of hospital wards, their family carers and the nursing and healthcare assistants (HCAs) who carry out this work, we can explore the ways in which hospital organisation, procedures and everyday care impact on viagra levitra cialis offers care during a hospital admission.

It remedies a common weakness in many qualitative studies, that what people say in interviews may differ from what they do or their private justifications to others.35Data collection (observations and interviews) and analysis were informed by the analytic tradition of grounded theory.36 There was no prior hypothesis testing and we used the constant comparative method and theoretical sampling whereby data collection (observation and interview data) and analysis are inter-related,36 37 and are carried out concurrently.38 39 The flexible nature of this approach is important, because it can allow us to increase the ‘analytic incisiveness’35 of the study. Preliminary analysis of data collected from individual sites informed the focus of later stages of sampling, data collection and analysis in other sites.Thus, sampling requires a flexible, pragmatic approach and purposive and maximum variation sampling (theoretical sampling) was used. This included five hospitals selected to viagra levitra cialis offers represent a range of hospitals types, geographies and socioeconomic catchments. Five hospitals were purposefully selected to represent a range of hospitals types. Two large university teaching hospitals, two medium-sized general hospitals and one smaller general hospital.

This included one urban, two inner city and two hospitals covering a mix of rural and suburban catchment areas, all situated within England and Wales.These sites represented a viagra levitra cialis offers range of expertise and interventions in caring for people with dementia, from no formal expertise to the deployment of specialist dementia workers. Fractures, nutritional disorders, urinary tract and pneumonia40 41 are among the principal causes of admission to acute hospital settings among people with dementia. Thus, we focused observation within trauma and viagra levitra cialis offers orthopaedic wards (80 days) and medical assessment units (MAU. 75 days).Across these sites, 155 days of observational fieldwork were carried out. At each of the five sites, a minimum of 30 days observation took place, split between the two ward types.

Observations were carried out by two researchers, each working in clusters of 2–4 viagra levitra cialis offers days over a 6-week period at each site. A single day of observation could last a minimum of 2 hours and a maximum of 12 hours. A total of 684 hours of observation were conducted for this study. This produced approximately 600 000 words of observational fieldnotes that were transcribed, cleaned viagra levitra cialis offers and anonymised (by KF and AN). We also carried out ethnographic (during observation) interviews with trauma and orthopaedic ward (192 ethnographic interviews and 22 group interviews) and MAU (222 ethnographic interviews) staff (including nurses, HCAs, auxiliary and support staff and medical teams) as they cared for this patient group.

This allowed us to viagra levitra cialis offers question what they are doing and why, and what are the caring practices of ward staff when interacting with people living with dementia.Patients within these settings with a diagnosis of dementia were identified through ward nursing handover notes, patient records and board data with the assistance of ward staff. Following the provision of written and verbal information about the study, and the expression of willingness to take part, written consent was taken from patients, staff and visitors directly observed or spoken to as part of the study.To optimise the generalisability of our findings,42 our approach emphasises the importance of comparisons across sites,43 with theoretical saturation achieved following the search for negative cases, and on exploring a diverse and wide range of data. When no additional empirical data were found, we concluded that the analytical categories were saturated.36 44Grounded theory and ethnography are complementary traditions, with grounded theory strengthening the ethnographic aims of achieving a theoretical interpretation of the data, while the ethnographic approach prevents a rigid application of grounded theory.35 Using an ethnographic approach can mean that everything within a setting is treated as data, which can lead to large volumes of unconnected data and a descriptive analysis.45 This approach provides a middle ground in which the ethnographer, often seen as a passive observer of the social world, uses grounded theory to provide a systematic approach to data collection and analysis that can be used to develop theory to address the interpretive realities of participants within this setting.35Patient and public involvementThe data presented in this paper are drawn from a wider ethnographic study supported by an advisory group of people living with dementia and their family carers. It was this advisory group that informed us of the need of a better understanding of the impacts of viagra levitra cialis offers the everyday care received by people living with dementia in acute hospital settings. The authors met with this group on a regular basis throughout the study, and received guidance on both the design of the study and the format of written materials used to recruit participants to the study.

The external oversight group for this study included, and was chaired, by carers of people living with dementia. Once data analysis was complete, the advisory group commented on viagra levitra cialis offers our initial findings and recommendations. During and on completion of the analysis, a series of public consultation events were held with people living with dementia and family carers to ensure their involvement in discussing, informing and refining our analysis.FindingsWithin this paper, we focus on exploring the medical gaze through the embedded institutional cultures of patient clothing, and the implications this have for patients living with dementia within acute hospital wards. These findings viagra levitra cialis offers emerged from our wider analysis of our ethnographic study examining ward cultures of care and the experiences of people living with dementia. Here, we examine the ways in which the cultures of clothing within wards impact on the visibility of patients within it, what clothing and identity mean within the ward and the ways in which clothing can be a source of distress.

We will look at how personal grooming and appearance can affect status within the ward, and finally explore the removal of clothing, and the impacts of its absence.Ward clothing culturesAcross our sites, there was variation in the cultures of patient clothing and dress. Within many wards, it was viagra levitra cialis offers typical for all older patients to be dressed in hospital-issued institutional gowns and pyjamas (typically in pastel blue, pink, green or peach), paired with hospital supplied socks (usually bright red, although there was some small variation) with non-slip grip soles, while in other wards, it was standard practice for people to be supported to dress in their own clothes. Across all these wards, we observed that younger patients (middle aged/working age) were more likely to be able to wear their own clothes while admitted to a ward, than older patients and those with a dementia diagnosis.Among key signifiers of social status and individuality are the material things around the person, which in these hospital wards included the accoutrements around the bedside. Significantly, it was observed that people living with dementia were more likely to be wearing an institutional hospital gown or institutional pyjamas, and to have little to individuate the person at the bedside, on either their cabinet or the mobile tray table at their bedside. The wearing of institutional clothing was typically connected to fewer personal items on display or within reach of the patient, with any items tidied away viagra levitra cialis offers out of sight.

In contrast, younger working age patients often had many personal belongings, cards, gadgets, books, media players, with young adults also often having a range of ‘get well soon’ gifts, balloons and so on from the hospital gift shop) on display. This both afforded some elements of familiarity, but also marked the person out as someone with individuality viagra levitra cialis offers and a certain social standing and place.Visibility of patients on a wardThe significance of the obscurity or invisibility of the patient in artworks depicting doctors has been commented on.4 Likewise, we observed that some patients within these wards were much more ‘visible’ to staff than others. It was often apparent how the wearing of personal clothing could make the patient and their needs more readily visible to others as a person. This may be especially so given the contrast in appearance clothing may produce in this particular setting. On occasion, this may be remarked on by staff, and the resulting attention received favourably by the patient.A member of viagra levitra cialis offers the bay team returned to a patient and found her freshly dressed in a white tee shirt, navy slacks and black velvet slippers and exclaimed aloud and appreciatively, ‘Wow, look at you!.

€™ The patient looked pleased as she sat and combed her hair [site 3 day 1].Such a simple act of recognition as someone with a socially approved appearance takes on a special significance in the context of an acute hospital ward, and for patients living with dementia whose personhood may be overlooked in various ways.46This question of visibility of patients may also be particularly important when people living with dementia may be less able to make their needs and presence known. In this example, a whole bay of patients was seemingly ‘invisible’. Here, the ethnographer is observing a four-bed bay occupied viagra levitra cialis offers by male patients living with dementia.The man in bed 17 is sitting in his bedside chair. He is dressed in green hospital issue pyjamas and yellow grip socks. At 10 a.m., the viagra levitra cialis offers physiotherapy team come and see him.

The physiotherapist crouches down in front of him and asks him how he is. He says he is unhappy, and the physiotherapist explains that she’ll be back later to see him again. The nurse checks on him, asks him if he wants a pillow, and puts it behind his head explaining to him, ‘You need to sit in the chair for a viagra levitra cialis offers bit’. She pulls his bedside trolley near to him. With the help of a Healthcare Assistant they make the bed.

The Healthcare Assistant chats to him, puts cake out for him, and puts a blanket over his viagra levitra cialis offers legs. He is shaking slightly and I wonder if he is cold.The nurse explains to me, ‘The problem is this is a really unstimulating environment’, then says to the patient, ‘All done, let’s have a bit of a tidy up,’ before wheeling the equipment out.The neighbouring patient in bed 18, is now sitting in his bedside chair, wearing (his own) striped pyjamas. His eyes are open, viagra levitra cialis offers and he is looking around. After a while, he closes his eyes and dozes. The team chat to patient 19 behind the curtains.

He says he doesn’t want to sit, and they say that is fine unless viagra levitra cialis offers the doctors tell them otherwise.The nurse puts music on an old radio with a CD player which is at the doorway near the ward entrance. It sounds like music from a musical and the ward it is quite noisy suddenly. She turns down the volume a bit, but it is very jaunty and upbeat. The man in bed 19 quietly sings along to viagra levitra cialis offers the songs. €˜I am going to see my baby when I go home on victory day…’At ten thirty, the nurse goes off on her break.

The rest of viagra levitra cialis offers the team are spread around the other bays and side rooms. There are long distances between bays within this ward. After all the earlier activity it is now very calm and peaceful in the bay. Patient 20 viagra levitra cialis offers is sitting in the chair tapping his feet to the music. He has taken out a large hessian shopping bag out of his cabinet and is sorting through the contents.

There is a lot of paperwork in it which he is reading through closely and sorting.Opposite, patient viagra levitra cialis offers 17 looks very uncomfortable. He is sitting with two pillows behind his back but has slipped down the chair. His head is in his hands and he suddenly looks in pain. He hasn’t touched his tea, and is talking viagra levitra cialis offers to himself. The junior medic was aware that 17 was not comfortable, and it had looked like she was going to get some advice, but she hasn’t come back.

18 drinks his tea and looks at a wool twiddle mitt sleeve, puts it down, and dozes. 19 has finished viagra levitra cialis offers all his coffee and manages to put the cup down on the trolley.Everyone is tapping their feet or wiggling their toes to the music, or singing quietly to it, when a student nurse, who is working at the computer station in the corridor outside the room, comes in. She has a strong purposeful stride and looks irritated as she switches the music off. It feels like a viagra levitra cialis offers jolt to the room. She turns and looks at me and says, ‘Sorry were you listening to it?.

€™ I tell her that I think these gentlemen were listening to it.She suddenly looks very startled and surprised and looks at the men in the room for the first time. They have all stopped tapping their toes and stopped viagra levitra cialis offers singing along. She turns it back on but asks me if she can turn it down. She leaves and goes back to her paperwork outside. Once it viagra levitra cialis offers is turned back on everyone starts tapping their toes again.

The music plays on. €˜There’ll be bluebirds over the white cliffs of Dover, just you wait and see…’[Site 3 day 3]The music was viagra levitra cialis offers played by staff to help combat the drab and unstimulating environment of this hospital ward for the patients, the very people the ward is meant to serve. Yet for this member of ward staff the music was perceived as a nuisance, the men for whom the music was playing seemingly did not register to her awareness. Only an individual of ‘higher’ status, the researcher, sitting at the end of this room was visible to her. This example illustrates viagra levitra cialis offers the general question of the visibility or otherwise of patients.

Focusing on our immediate topic, there may be complex pathways through which clothing may impact on how patients living with dementia are perceived, and on their self-perception.Clothing and identityOn these wards, we also observed how important familiar aspects of appearance were to relatives. Family members may be distressed if they find the person they knew so well, looking markedly different. In the example below, a mother and two adult daughters visit the father of the family, who is not visible to them as viagra levitra cialis offers the person they were so familiar with. His is not wearing his glasses, which are missing, and his daughters find this very difficult. Even though he looks very different following his admission—he has lost a large amount of weight and has sunken cheekbones, and his skin has taken on a darker hue—it is his glasses which are a key concern viagra levitra cialis offers for the family in their recognition of their father:As I enter the corridor to go back to the ward, I meet the wife and daughter of the patient in bed 2 in the hall and walk with them back to the ward.

Their father looks very frail, his head is back, and his face is immobile, his eyes are closed, and his mouth is open. His skin looks darker than before, and his cheekbones and eye sockets are extremely prominent from weight loss. €˜I am like a bird I want to fly viagra levitra cialis offers away…’ plays softly in the radio in the bay. I sit with them for a bit and we chat—his wife holds his hand as we talk. His wife has to take two busses to get to the hospital and we talk about the potential care home they expect her husband will be discharged to.

They hope it will be close because viagra levitra cialis offers she does not drive. He isn’t wearing his glasses and his daughter tells me that they can’t find them. We look in the bedside cabinet viagra levitra cialis offers. She has never seen her dad without his glasses. €˜He doesn’t look like my dad without his glasses’ [Site 2 day 15].It was often these small aspects of personal clothing and grooming that prompted powerful responses from visiting family members.

Missing glasses and missing teeth were notable in this regard (and with the follow-up visits viagra levitra cialis offers from the relatives of discharged patients trying to retrieve these now lost objects). The location of these possessions, which could have a medical purpose in the case of glasses, dental prosthetics, hearing aids or accessories which contained personal and important aspects of a patient’s identity, such as wallets or keys, and particularly, for female patients, handbags, could be a prominent source of distress for individuals. These accessories to personal clothing were notable on these wards by their everyday absence, hidden away in bedside cupboards or simply not brought in with the patient at admission, and by the frequency with which patients requested and called out for them or tried to look for them, often in repetitive cycles that indicated their underlying anxiety about these belongings, but which would become invisible to staff, becoming an everyday background intrusion to the work of the wards.When considering the visibility and recognition of individual persons, missing glasses, especially glasses for distance vision, have a particular significance, for without them, a person may be less able to recognise and interact visually with others. Their presence facilitates the subject of the viagra levitra cialis offers gaze, in gazing back, and hence helps to ground meaningful and reciprocal relationships of recognition. This may be one factor behind the distress of relatives in finding their loved ones’ glasses to be absent.Clothing as a source of distressAcross all sites, we observed patients living with dementia who exhibited obvious distress at aspects of their institutional apparel and at the absence of their own personal clothing.

Some older patients were clearly able to viagra levitra cialis offers verbalise their understandings of the impacts of wearing institutional clothing. One patient remarked to a nurse of her hospital blue tracksuit. €˜I look like an Olympian or Wentworth prison in this outfit!. The latter I expect…’ The staff laughed as they walked her out of the bay (site 3 day 1).Institutional clothing may be a viagra levitra cialis offers source of distress to patients, although they may be unable to express this verbally. Kontos has shown how people living with dementia may retain an awareness at a bodily level of the demands of etiquette.20 Likewise, in our study, a man living with dementia, wearing a very large institutional pyjama top, which had no collar and a very low V neck, continually tried to pull it up to cover his chest.

The neckline was particularly low, because the pyjamas were far too large for him. He continued to fiddle with viagra levitra cialis offers his very low-necked top even when his lunch tray was placed in front of him. He clearly felt very uncomfortable with such clothing. He continued using his hands to try to pull it up to cover his exposed chest, during and after the meal was finished (site 3 day 5).For some patients, the communication of this distress in relation to clothing viagra levitra cialis offers may be liable to misinterpretation and may have further impacts on how they are viewed within the ward. Here, a patient living with dementia recently admitted to this ward became tearful and upset after having a shower.

She had no fresh clothes, and so the team had provided her with a pink hospital gown to wear.‘I want my trousers, where is my bra, I’ve got no bra on.’ It is clear she doesn’t feel right without her own clothes on. The one-to-one healthcare assistant assigned to this patient tells her, ‘Your bra is dirty, do you want viagra levitra cialis offers to wear that?. €™ She replies, ‘No I want a clean one. Where are my trousers?. I want them, I’ve lost them.’ The healthcare assistant repeats the explaination that her clothes are dirty, and asks her, ‘Do you want your viagra levitra cialis offers dirty ones?.

€™ She is very teary ‘No, I want my clean ones.’ The carer again explains that they are dirty.The cleaner who always works in the ward arrives to clean the floor and sweeps around the patient as she sits in her chair, and as he does this, he says ‘Hello’ to her. She is very teary and explains that she has lost her clothes viagra levitra cialis offers. The cleaner listens sympathetically as she continues ‘I am all confused. I have lost my clothes. I am all viagra levitra cialis offers confused.

How am I going to go to the shops with no clothes on!. €™ (site 5 day 5).This person experienced significant distress because of her absent clothes, but this would often be simply attributed to confusion, seen as a feature of her dementia. This then may solidify viagra levitra cialis offers staff perceptions of her condition. However, we need to consider that rather than her condition (her diagnosis of dementia) causing distress about clothing, the direction of causation may be the reverse. The absence of her own familiar viagra levitra cialis offers clothing contributes significantly to her distress and disorientation.

Others have argued that people with limited verbal capacity and limited cognitive comprehension will have a direct appreciation of the grounding familiarity of wearing their own clothes, which give a bodily felt notion of comfort and familiarity.18 47 Familiar clothing may then be an essential prop to anchor the wearer within a recognisable social and meaningful space. To simply see clothing from a task-oriented point of view, as fulfilling a simply mechanical function, and that all clothing, whether personal or institutional have the same value and role, might be to interpret the desire to wear familiar clothing as an ‘optional extra’. However, for those patients most at risk of viagra levitra cialis offers disorientation and distress within an unfamiliar environment, it could be a valuable necessity.Personal grooming and social statusIncluding in our consideration of clothing, we observed other aspects of the role of personal grooming. Personal grooming was notable by its absence beyond the necessary cleaning required for reasons of immediate hygiene and clinical need (such as the prevention of pressure ulcers). Older patients, and particular those living with dementia who were unable to carry out ‘self-care’ independently and were not able to request support with personal grooming, could, over their admission, become visibly unkempt and scruffy, hair could be left unwashed, uncombed and unstyled, while men could become hirsute through a lack of shaving.

The simple act of viagra levitra cialis offers a visitor dressing and grooming a patient as they prepared for discharge could transform their appearance and leave that patient looking more alert, appear to having increased capacity, than when sitting ungroomed in their bed or bedside chair.It is important to consider the impact of appearance and of personal care in the context of an acute ward. Kontos’ work examining life in a care home, referred to earlier, noted that people living with dementia may be acutely aware of transgressions in grooming and appearance, and noted many acts of self-care with personal appearance, such as stopping to apply lipstick, and conformity with high standards of table manners. Clothing, etiquette and viagra levitra cialis offers personal grooming are important indicators of social class and hence an aspect of belonging and identity, and of how an individual relates to a wider group. In Kontos’ findings, these rituals and standards of appearance were also observed in negative reactions, such as expressions of disgust, towards those residents who breached these standards. Hence, even in cases where an individual may be assessed as having considerable cognitive impairment, the importance of personal appearance must not be overlooked.For some patients within these wards, routine practices of everyday care at the bedside can increase the potential to influence whether they feel and appear socially acceptable.

The delivery of routine timetabled care at the bedside can impact on people’s appearance in viagra levitra cialis offers ways that may mark them out as failing to achieve accepted standards of embodied personhood. The task-oriented timetabling of mealtimes may have significance. It was a typical observed feature of this routine, when a mealtime has ended, that people living with dementia were left with visible signs and features of the mealtime through spillages on faces, clothes, bed sheets and bedsides, that leave them at risk of being assessed as less socially acceptable and marked as having reduced independence. For example, a volunteer attempts to ‘feed’ a person living with dementia, when she gives up and leave the bedside (this woman living with dementia has resisted her attempts and explicitly viagra levitra cialis offers says ‘no’), remnants of the food is left spread around her mouth (site E). In a different ward, the mealtime has ended, yet a large white plastic bib to prevent food spillages remains attached around the neck of a person living with dementia who is unable to remove it (site X).Of note, an adult would not normally wear a white plastic bib at home or in a restaurant.

It signifies a task-based apparel that is demeaning to an individual’s viagra levitra cialis offers social status. This example also contrasts poignantly with examples from Kontos’ work,20 such as that of a female who had little or no ability to verbalise, but who nonetheless would routinely take her pearl necklace out from under her bib at mealtimes, showing she retained an acute awareness of her own appearance and the ‘right’ way to display this symbol of individuality, femininity and status. Likewise, Kontos gives the example of a resident who at mealtimes ‘placed her hand on her chest, to prevent her blouse from touching the food as she leaned over her plate’.20Patients who are less robust, who have cognitive impairments, who may be liable to disorientation and whose agency and personhood are most vulnerable are thus those for whom appropriate and familiar clothing may be most advantageous. However, we found the ‘Matthew effect’ to be frequently in viagra levitra cialis offers operation. To those who have the least, even that which they have will be taken away.48 Although there may be institutional and organisational rationales for putting a plastic cover over a patient, leaving it on for an extended period following a meal may act as a marker of dehumanising loss of social status.

By being able to maintain familiar clothing and adornment to visually display social standing and identity, a person living with dementia may maintain a continuity of selfhood.However, it is also possible that dressing and grooming an older person may itself be a task-oriented institutional activity in certain contexts, as discussed by Lee-Treweek49 in the context of a nursing home preparing residents for ‘lounge view’ where visitors would see them, using residents to ‘create a visual product for others’ sometimes to the detriment of residents’ needs. Our observations regarding the importance of patient appearance must therefore be considered as part of the care of the whole person and a significant feature of the institutional culture.Patient status and appearanceWithin these wards, a new grouping of class could become imposed on patients viagra levitra cialis offers. We understand class not simply as socioeconomic class but as an indicator of the strata of local social organisation to which an individual belongs. Those in the lowest classes may have limited opportunities to participate in society, and we observed the ways in which this applied to the people living with dementia within these acute viagra levitra cialis offers wards. The differential impact of clothing as signifiers of social status has also been observed in a comparison of the white coat and the patient gown.4 It has been argued that while these both may help to mask individuality, they have quite different effects on social status on a ward.

One might say that the white coat increases visibility as a person of standing and the attribution of agency, the patient gown diminishes both of these. (Within these wards, although white coats were viagra levitra cialis offers not to be found, the dress code of medical staff did make them stand out. For male doctors, for example, the uniform rarely strayed beyond chinos paired with a blue oxford button down shirt, sleeves rolled up, while women wore a wider range of smart casual office wear.) Likewise, we observed that the same arrangement of attire could be attributed to entirely different meanings for older patients with or without dementia.Removal of clothes and exposureWithin these wards, we observed high levels of behaviour perceived by ward staff as people living with dementia displaying ‘resistance’ to care.50 This included ‘resistance’ towards institutional clothing. This could include pulling up or removing hospital gowns, removing institutional pyjama trousers or pulling up gowns, and standing with gowns untied and exposed at the back (although this last example is an unavoidable design feature of the clothing itself). Importantly, the removal viagra levitra cialis offers of clothing was limited to institutional gowns and pyjamas and we did not see any patients removing their own clothing.

This also included the removal of institutional bedding, with instances of patients pulling or kicking sheets from their bed. These acts could and was often interpreted by ward staff as viagra levitra cialis offers a patient’s ‘resistance’ to care. There was some variation in this interpretation. However, when an individual patient response to their institutional clothing and bedding was repeated during a shift, it was more likely to be conceived by the ward team as a form of resistance to their care, and responded to by the replacement and reinforcement of the clothing and bedding to recover the person.The removal of gowns, pyjamas and bedsheets often resulted in a patient exposing their genitalia or continence products (continence pads could be visible as a large diaper or nappy or a pad visibly held in place by transparent net pants), and as such, was disruptive to the norms and highly visible to staff and other visitor to these wards. Notably, unlike other behaviours considered by staff to be disruptive or inappropriate within these wards such as shouting or crying out, the removal of bedsheets and the subsequent bodily exposure would always be immediately corrected, the sheet replaced and the patient covered by either the nurse or viagra levitra cialis offers HCA.

The act of removal was typically interpreted by ward staff as representing a feature of the person’s dementia and staff responses were framed as an issue of patient dignity, or the dignity and embarrassment of other patients and visitors to the ward. However, such responses to removal could lead to further viagra levitra cialis offers cycles of removal and replacement, leading to an escalation of distress in the person. This was important, because the recording of ‘refusal of care’, or presumed ‘confusion’ associated with this, could have significant impacts on the care and discharge pathways available and prescribed for the individual patient.Consider the case of a woman living with dementia who is 90 years old (patient 1), in the example below. Despite having no immediate medical needs, she has been admitted to the MAU from a care home (following her husband’s stroke, he could no longer care for her). Across the previous evening viagra levitra cialis offers and morning shift, she was shouting, refusing all food and care and has received assistance from the specialist dementia care worker.

However, during this shift, she has become calmer following a visit from her husband earlier in the day, has since eaten and requested drinks. Her care home would not readmit her, which meant she was not able to be discharged from the unit (an overflow unit due to a high number of admissions to the emergency department during a patch of exceptionally hot weather) until alternative arrangements could be made by social services.During our observations, she remains calm for the first 2 hours. When she does talk, she is very loud and high pitched, but this is normal for her and not a sign viagra levitra cialis offers of distress. For staff working on this bay, their attention is elsewhere, because of the other six patients on the unit, one is ‘on suicide watch’ and another is ‘refusing their medication’ (but does not have a diagnosis of dementia). At 15:10 patient 1 begins to remove viagra levitra cialis offers her sheets:15:10.

The unit seems chaotic today. Patient 1 has begun to loudly drum her fingers on the tray table. She still has not been brought viagra levitra cialis offers more milk, which she requested from the HCA an hour earlier. The bay that patient 1 is admitted to is a temporary overflow unit and as a result staff do not know where things are. 1 has moved her sheets off her legs, her bare knees peeking out over the top of piled sheets.15:15.

The nurse in charge says, viagra levitra cialis offers ‘Hello,’ when she walks past 1’s bed. 1 looks across and smiles back at her. The nurse in viagra levitra cialis offers charge explains to her that she needs to shuffle up the bed. 1 asks the nurse about her husband. The nurse reminds 1 that her husband was there this morning and that he is coming back tomorrow.

1 says that he hasn’t viagra levitra cialis offers been and she does not believe the nurse.15:25. I overhear the nurse in charge question, under her breath to herself, ‘Why 1 has been left on the unit?. €™ 1 has started asking for somebody to come and see her. The nurse in charge tells 1 that she needs to viagra levitra cialis offers do some jobs first and then will come and talk to her.15:30. 1 has once again kicked her sheets off of her legs.

A social viagra levitra cialis offers worker comes onto the unit. 1 shouts, ‘Excuse me’ to her. The social worker replies, ‘Sorry I’m not staff, I don’t work here’ and leaves the bay.15:40. 1 keeps kicking sheets off her bed, viagra levitra cialis offers otherwise the unit is quiet. She now whimpers whenever anyone passes her bed, which is whenever anyone comes through the unit’s door.

1 is the only elderly patient on the unit. Again, the nurse in charge is heard sympathizing that this is not the right place for viagra levitra cialis offers her.16:30. A doctor approaches 1, tells her that she is on her list of people to say hello to, she is quite friendly. 1 tells her that viagra levitra cialis offers she has been here for 3 days, (the rest is inaudible because of pitch). The doctor tries to cover 1 up, raising her bed sheet back over the bed, but 1 loudly refuses this.

The doctor responds by ending the interaction, ‘See you later’, and leaves the unit.16:40. 1 attempts viagra levitra cialis offers to talk to the new nurse assigned to the unit. She goes over to 1 and says, ‘What’s up my darling?. €™ It’s hard to follow 1 now as she sounds very upset. The RN’s first instinct, like with the doctor and the nurse in charge, is to viagra levitra cialis offers cover up 1 s legs with her bed sheet.

When 1 reacts to this she talks to her and they agree to cover up her knees. 1 is talking about how her husband won’t come and visit her, and still sounds really upset about this viagra levitra cialis offers. [Site 3, Day 13]Of note is that between days 6 and 15 at this site, observed over a particularly warm summer, this unit was uncomfortably hot and stuffy. The need to be uncovered could be viewed as a reasonable response, and in fact was considered acceptable for patients without a classification of dementia, provided they were otherwise clothed, such as the hospital gown patient 1 was wearing. This is an example of an aspect of care where the choice and autonomy granted viagra levitra cialis offers to patients assessed as having (or assumed to have) cognitive capacity is not available to people who are considered to have impaired cognitive capacity (a diagnosis of dementia) and carries the additional moral judgements of the appropriateness of behaviour and bodily exposure.

In the example given above, the actions were linked to the patient’s resistance to their admission to the hospital, driven by her desire to return home and to be with her husband. Throughout observations over this 10-day period, patients perceived by staff as rational agents were allowed to strip down their bedding for comfort, whereas patients living with dementia who responded in this way were often viewed by staff as ‘undressing’, which would be interpreted as a feature of their condition, to be challenged and corrected by staff.Note how the same visual data triggered opposing interpretations of personal autonomy. Just as in the example above where distress over loss of familiar clothing may be interpreted viagra levitra cialis offers as an aspect of confusion, yet lead to, or exacerbate, distress and disorientation. So ‘deviant’ bedding may be interpreted, for some patients only, in ways that solidify notions of lack of agency and confusion, is another example of the Matthew effect48 at work through the organisational expectations of the clothed appearance of patients.Within wards, it is not unusual to see patients, especially those with a diagnosis of dementia or cognitive impairment, walking in the corridor inadvertently in some state of undress, typically exposed from behind by their hospital gowns. This exposure in itself is of course, an intrinsic functional feature of the design of the flimsy back-opening institutional clothing the patient viagra levitra cialis offers has been placed in.

This task-based clothing does not even fulfil this basic function very adequately. However, this inadvertent exposure could often be interpreted as an overt act of resistance to the ward and towards staff, especially when it led to exposed genitalia or continence products (pads or nappies).We speculate that the interpretation of resistance may be triggered by the visual prompt of disarrayed clothing and the meanings assumed to follow, where lack of decorum in attire is interpreted as indicating more general behavioural incompetence, cognitive impairment and/or standing outside the social order.DiscussionPrevious studies examining the significance of the visual, particularly Twigg and Buse’s work16–19 exploring the materialities of appearance, emphasise its key role in self-presentation, visibility, dignity and autonomy for older people and especially those living with dementia in care home settings. Similarly, care home studies have demonstrated that institutional clothing, designed to facilitate task-based care, can be potentially dehumanising or and distressing.25 26 Our findings viagra levitra cialis offers resonate with this work, but find that for people living with dementia within a key site of care, the acute ward, the impact of institutional clothing on the individual patient living with dementia, is poorly recognised, but is significant for the quality and humanity of their care.Our ethnographic approach enabled the researchers to observe the organisation and delivery of task-oriented fast-paced nature of the work of the ward and bedside care. Nonetheless, it should also be emphasised the instances in which staff such as HCAs and specialist dementia staff within these wards took time to take note of personal appearance and physical caring for patients and how important this can be for overall well-being. None of our observations should be read as critical of any individual staff, but reflects longstanding institutional cultures.Our previous work has examined how readily a person living with dementia within a hospital wards is vulnerable to dehumanisation,51 and to their behaviour within these wards being interpreted as a feature of their condition, rather than a response to the ways in which timetabled care is delivered at their bedside.50 We have also examined the ways in which visual stimuli within these wards in the form of signs and symbols indicating a diagnosis of dementia may inadvertently focus attention away from the individual patient and may incline towards simplified and inaccurate categorisation of both needs and the diagnostic category of dementia.52Our work supports the analysis of the two forms of attention arising from McGilchrist’s work.10 The institutional culture of the wards produces an organisational task-based technical attention, which we found appeared to compete with and reduce the opportunity for ward staff to seek a finer emotional attunement to the person they are caring for and their needs.

Focus on efficiency, viagra levitra cialis offers pace and record keeping that measures individual task completion within a timetable of care may worsen all these effects. Indeed, other work has shown that in some contexts, attention to visual appearance may itself be little more than a ‘task’ to achieve.49 McGilchrist makes clear, and we agree, that both forms of attention are vital, but more needs to be done to enable staff to find a balance.Previous work has shown how important appearance is to older people, and to people living with dementia in particular, both in terms of how they are perceived by others, but also how for this group, people living with dementia, clothing and personal grooming may act as a particularly important anchor into a familiar social world. These twin aspects of clothing and appearance—self-perception and perception by others—may be especially important in the fast-paced context of an acute ward environment, where patients living with dementia may be struggling with the impacts of viagra levitra cialis offers an additional acute medical condition within in a highly timetabled and regimented and unfamiliar environment of the ward, and where staff perceptions of them may feed into clinical assessments of their condition and subsequent treatment and discharge pathways. We have seen above, for instance, how behaviour in relation to appearance may be seen as ‘resisting care’ in one group of patients, but as the natural expression of personal preference in patients viewed as being without cognitive impairments. Likewise, personal grooming might impact favourably on a patient’s alertness, visibility and status within the ward.Prior work has demonstrated the importance of the medical gaze for the perceptions of the patient.

Other work has also shown how older people, viagra levitra cialis offers and in particular people living with dementia, may be thought to be beyond concern for appearance, yet this does not accurately reflect the importance of appearance we found for this patient group. Indeed, we argue that our work, along with the work of others such as Kontos,20 21 shows that if anything, visual appearance is especially important for people living with dementia particularly within clinical settings. In considering the task of washing the patient, Pols53 considered ‘dignitas’ in terms of aesthetic values, in comparison to humanitas conceived as citizen values of equality between persons. Attention to dignitas in the form of appearance may be a way of facilitating viagra levitra cialis offers the treatment by others of a person with humanitas, and helping to realise dignity of patients.Data availability statementNo data are available. Data are unavailable to protect anonymity.Ethics statementsPatient consent for publicationNot required.Ethics approvalEthics committee approval for the study was granted by the NHS Research Ethics Service (15/WA/0191).AcknowledgmentsThe authors acknowledge funding support from the NIHR.Notes1.

Devan Stahl viagra levitra cialis offers (2013). €œLiving into the imagined body. How the diagnostic image confronts the lived body.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2012–010286.2. Joyce Zazulak et al.

(2017). "The art of medicine. Arts-based training in observation and mindfulness for fostering the empathic response in medical residents.” Medical Humanities. Medhum-2016-011180.3. E Forde (2018).

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New Haven and London, Yale University Press.11. Iain McGilchrist (2011). €œPaying attention to the bipartite brain.” The Lancet 377 (9771). 1068–1069.12. Efrat Tseëlon (1992).

€œSelf presentation through appearance. A manipulative vs a dramaturgical approach”. Symbolic Interaction, 15(4). 501–514.13. E Tseëlon (1995).

The masque of femininity. The presentation of woman in everyday life. London. Sage.14. E Goffman (1990b).

The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life Penguin15. Efrat Tseëlon (2001). €œFashion research and its discontents”. Fashion Theory, 5 (4). 435–451.16.

Julia Twigg (2010a). €œClothing and dementia. A neglected dimension?. € Journal of Ageing Studies 24(4). 223–230.17.

Julia Twigg and Christina E Buse (2013). €œDress, dementia and the embodiment of identity.” Dementia 12(3). 326–336.18. C. E Buse and J.

Twigg (2015). €œClothing, embodied identity and dementia. Maintaining the self through dress.” Age, Culture, Humanities (2).19. Christina Buse and Julia Twigg (2018). €œDressing disrupted.

Negotiating care through the materiality of dress in the context of dementia.” Sociology of Health &. Illness, 40(2). 340-352.20. PIA C Kontos (2004). Ethnographic reflections on selfhood, embodiment and Alzheimer's disease.

Ageing &. Society, 24(6). 829–849.21. P. C Kontos (2005).

€œEmbodied selfhood in Alzheimer's disease. Rethinking person-centred care.” Dementia 4 (4). 553–570.22. P. C Kontos and G.

Naglie (2007). €œBridging theory and practice. Imagination, the body, and person-centred dementia care.” Dementia 6 (4). 549–569.23. Richard Ward et al.

(2016a). €œâ€˜Gonna make yer gorgeous’. Everyday transformation, resistance and belonging in the care-based hair salon.” Dementia, 15(3). 395–413.24. Richard Ward, Sarah Campbell, and John Keady (2016b).

€œAssembling the salon. Learning from alternative forms of body work in dementia care.” Sociology of Health &. Illness, 38(8). 1287–1302.25. Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori, Minttu Wikberg, and Päivi Topo (2012).

Design and dementia. A case of garments designed to prevent undressing. Dementia, 11(1). 49–59.26. Päivi Topo and Sonja Iltanen-Tähkävuori (2010).

€œScripting patienthood with patient clothing.” Social Science &. Medicine, 70(11). 1682–1689.27. Julia Twigg (2010b). €œWelfare embodied.

The materiality of hospital dress. A commentary on Topo and Iltanen-Tähkävuori”. Social Science and Medicine, 70(11), 1690–1692.28. Kathleen Woodward (2006). €œPerforming age, performing gender” National Women’s Studies Association (NWSA) Journal 18(1).

162–89.29. K.M Woodward (1999). Introduction. In K.M. Woodward (ed.), Figuring Age.

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What grounded theory is not.” Academy of management journal, 49(4). 633–642.40. Elizabeth L Sampson et al. (2009). €œDementia in the acute hospital.

Prospective cohort study of prevalence and mortality”. British Journal of Psychiatry,195(1). 61–66. Doi:10.1192/bjp.bp.108.05533541. C Pinkert and B Holle (2012).

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45. 728–734.42. Robert E Herriott and William A. Firestone (1983) “Multisite qualitative policy research. Optimising description and generalizability”.

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(2018). €œSaturation in qualitative research. Exploring its conceptualization and operationalization.” Quality and Quantity 52 (4). 1893–1907.45. A Coffey and P Atkinson (1996).

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Continence care for people with dementia in acute hospital wards as a crisis of dehumanisation”. Bioethics, 32(4). 251–260.47. Christina Buse et al. (2014).

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Merton (1968). €œThe Matthew effect in science. The reward and communication systems of science are considered.” Science 159 (3810). 56–63.49. Geraldine Lee-Treweek (1997) “Women, resistance and care.

An ethnographic study of nursing auxiliary work” Work, Employment and Society, 11(1). 47–6350. Katie Featherstone et al. (2019b). €œRefusal and resistance to care by people living with dementia being cared for within acute hospital wards.

An ethnographic study” Health Service and Delivery Research51. Katie Featherstone, Andy Northcott, and Jackie Bridges (2019a). €œRoutines of resistance. An ethnography of the care of people living with dementia in acute hospital wards and its consequences.” International Journal of Nursing Studies.52. K Featherstone, A Northcott, and P Boddington (2020).

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Dignity and aesthetic values in nursing care” Nursing Philosophy, 14(3). 186–200.

AbstractBrazil is currently home to the cheap levitra for sale largest Japanese population outside of Japan. In Brazil today, Japanese-Brazilians are considered to be successful members of Brazilian society. This was not always the case, however, and cheap levitra for sale Japanese immigrants to Brazil endured much hardship to attain their current level of prestige. This essay explores this community’s trajectory towards the formation of the Japanese-Brazilian identity and the issues of mental health that arise in this immigrant community.

Through the analysis of Japanese-Brazilian novels, TV shows, film and public health studies, I seek to disentangle the themes of gender and modernisation, and how these themes concurrently grapple with Japanese-Brazilian mental health issues. These fictional narratives provide a lens into the experience of the Japanese-Brazilian community that is unavailable in traditional medical studies about their mental health.filmliterature and medicinemental health caregender studiesmedical humanitiesData availability statementData are available in a public, open access repository.Introduction and philosophical backgroundWork in the medical humanities has noted the importance of the ‘medical gaze’ and how it may ‘see’ the patient in ways which cheap levitra for sale are specific, while possessing broad significance, in relation to developing medical knowledge. To diagnosis. And to the social position of the medical profession.1 Some authors have emphasised that vision cheap levitra for sale is a distinctive modality of perception which merits its own consideration, and which may have a particular role to play in medical education and understanding.2 3 The clothing we wear has a strong impact on how we are perceived.

For example, commentary in this journal on the ‘white coat’ observes that while it may rob the medical doctor of individuality, it nonetheless grants an elevated status4. In contrast, the patient hospital gown may rob patients of individuality in a way that stigmatises them,5 reducing their status in the ward, and ultimately dehumanises them, in conflict with the humanistic approaches seen as central to the best practice in the care of older patients, and particularly those living with dementia.6The broad context of our concern is the visibility of patients and their needs. We draw on observations made during an ethnographic study of the everyday care of people living with dementia within acute cheap levitra for sale hospital wards, to consider how patients’ clothing may impact on the way they were perceived by themselves and by others. Hence, we draw on this ethnography to contribute to discussion of the ‘medical gaze’ in a specific and informative context.The acute setting illustrates a situation in which there are great many biomedical, technical, recording, and timetabled routine task-oriented demands, organised and delivered by different staff members, together with demands for care and attention to particular individuals and an awareness of their needs.

Within this ward setting, we focus on patients who are living with dementia, since this group may be particularly vulnerable to a dehumanising gaze.6 We frame our discussion within the broader context of the general philosophical question of how we acquire knowledge of different types, and the moral consequences of this, particularly knowledge through visual perception.Debates throughout the history of philosophy raise questions about the nature and sources of our knowledge. Contrasts are cheap levitra for sale often drawn between more reliable or less reliable knowledge. And between knowledge that is more technical or ‘objective’, and knowledge that is more emotionally based or more ‘subjective’. A frequent point of discussion is the cheap levitra for sale reliability and characteristics of perception as a source of knowledge.

This epistemological discussion is mostly focused on vision, indicating its particular importance as a mode of perception to humans.7Likewise, in ethics, there is discussion of the origin of our moral knowledge and the particular role of perception.8 There is frequent recognition that the observer has some significant role in acquiring moral knowledge. Attention to qualities of the moral observer is not in itself a denial of moral reality. Indeed, it is the very essence of an ethical response to the cheap levitra for sale world to recognise the deep reality of others as separate persons. The nature of ethical attention to the world and to those around us is debated and has been articulated in various ways.

The quality of ethical attention may vary and achieving a high level of ethical attention may require certain conditions, certain virtues, and the time and mental space to attend to the situation and claims of the other.9Consideration has already been given to how different modes of attention to the world might be of relevance to the practice of medicine. Work that examines cheap levitra for sale different ways of processing information, and of interacting with and being in the world, can be found in Iain McGilchrist’s The Master and His Emissary,10 where he draws on neurological discoveries and applies his ideas to the development of human culture. McGilchrist has recently expanded on the relevance of understanding two different approaches to knowledge for the practice of medicine.11 He argues that task-oriented perception, and a wider, more emotionally attuned awareness of the environment are necessary partners, but may in some circumstances compete, with the competitive edge often being given to the narrower, task-based attention.There has been critique of McGilchrist’s arguments as well as much support. We find his work a useful framework for understanding important cheap levitra for sale debates in the ethics of medicine and of nursing about relationships of staff to patients.

In particular, it helps to illuminate the consequences of patients’ dress and personal appearance for how they are seen and treated.Dementia and personal appearanceOur work focuses on patients living with dementia admitted to acute hospital wards. Here, they are a large group, present alongside older patients unaffected by dementia, as well as younger patients. This mixed cheap levitra for sale population provides a useful setting to consider the impact of personal appearance on different patient groups.The role of appearance in the presentation of the self has been explored extensively by Tseëlon,12 13 drawing on Goffman’s work on stigma5 and the presentation of the self14 using interactionist approaches. Drawing on the experiences on women in the UK, Tseëlon argues Goffman’s interactionist approach best supports how we understand the relationship appearance plays in self presentation, and its relationships with other signs and interactions surrounding it.

Tseëlon suggests that understandings in this area, in the role appearance and clothing have in the presentation of the self, have been restricted by the perceived trivialities of the topic and limited to the field of fashion studies.15The personal appearance of older patients, and patients living with dementia in particular, has, more recently, been shown to be worthy of attention and of particular significance. Older people are often assumed to be left out of fashion, yet a concern with appearance remains.16 17 Lack of cheap levitra for sale attention to clothing and to personal care may be one sign of the varied symptoms associated with cognitive impairment or dementia, and so conversely, attention to appearance is one way of combatting the stigma associated with dementia. Families and carers may also feel the importance of personal appearance. The significant body of work by Twigg and Buse in this field in particular draws attention to the role clothing has on preserving the identity and dignity or people living with dementia, while also constraining and enabling elements of care within long-term community settings.16–19 cheap levitra for sale Within this paper, we examine the ways in which these phenomena can be even more acutely felt within the impersonal setting of the acute hospital.Work has also shown how people living with dementia strongly retain a felt, bodily appreciation for the importance of personal appearance.

The comfort and sensuous feel of familiar clothing may remain, even after cognitive capacities such as the ability to recognise oneself in a mirror, or verbal fluency, are lost.18 More strongly still, Kontos,20–22 drawing on the work of Merleau-Ponty and of Bourdieu, has convincingly argued that this attention to clothing and personal appearance is an important aspect of the maintenance of a bodily sense of self, which is also socially mediated, in part via such attention to appearance. Our observations lend support to Kontos’ hypothesis.Much of this previous work has considered clothing in the everyday life of people living with dementia in the context of community or long-term residential care.18 Here, we look at the visual impact of clothing and appearance in the different setting of the hospital ward and consider the consequent implications for patient care. This setting enables us to consider how the short-term and unfamiliar environments of the acute ward, together with the cheap levitra for sale contrast between personal and institutional attire, impact on the perception of the patient by self and by others.There is a body of literature that examines the work of restoring the appearance of residents within long-term community care settings, for instance Ward et al’s work that demonstrates the importance of hair and grooming as a key component of care.23 24 The work of Iltanen-Tähkävuori25 examines the usage of garments designed for long-term care settings, exploring the conflict between clothing used to prevent undressing or facilitate the delivery of care, and the distress such clothing can cause, being powerfully symbolic of lower social status and associated with reduced autonomy.26 27Within this literature, there has also been a significant focus on the role of clothing, appearance and the tasks of personal care surrounding it, on the older female body. A corpus of feminist literature has examined the ageing process and the use of clothing to conceal ageing, the presentation of a younger self, or a ‘certain’ age28 It argues that once the ability to conceal the ageing process through clothing and grooming has been lost, the aged person must instead conceal themselves, dressing to hide themselves and becoming invisible in the process.29 This paper will explore how institutional clothing within hospital wards affects both the male and female body, the presentation of the ageing body and its role in reinforcing the invisibility of older people, at a time when they are paradoxically most visible, unclothed and undressed, or wearing institutional clothing within the hospital ward.Institutional clothing is designed and used to fulfil a practical function.

Its use may therefore perhaps incline us towards a ‘task-based’ mode of attention, which as McGilchrist argues,10 while having a vital place in our understanding of the world, may on occasion interfere with the forms of attention that may be needed to deliver good person-oriented care responsive to individual needs.MethodsEthnography involves the in-depth study of people’s actions and accounts within their natural everyday setting, collecting relatively unstructured data from a range of sources.30 Importantly, it can take into account the perspectives of patients, carers and hospital staff.31 Our approach to ethnography is informed by the symbolic interactionist research tradition, which aims to provide an interpretive understanding of the social world, with an emphasis on interaction, focusing on understanding how action and meaning are constructed within a setting.32 The value of this approach is the depth of understanding and theory generation it can provide.33The goal of ethnography is to identify social processes within the data. There are multiple complex and nuanced interactions within these clinical settings cheap levitra for sale that are capable of ‘communicating many messages at once, even of subverting on one level what it appears to be “saying” on another’.34 Thus, it is important to observe interaction and performance. How everyday care work is organised and delivered. By obtaining observational data from within each cheap levitra for sale institution on the everyday work of hospital wards, their family carers and the nursing and healthcare assistants (HCAs) who carry out this work, we can explore the ways in which hospital organisation, procedures and everyday care impact on care during a hospital admission.

It remedies a common weakness in many qualitative studies, that what people say in interviews may differ from what they do or their private justifications to others.35Data collection (observations and interviews) and analysis were informed by the analytic tradition of grounded theory.36 There was no prior hypothesis testing and we used the constant comparative method and theoretical sampling whereby data collection (observation and interview data) and analysis are inter-related,36 37 and are carried out concurrently.38 39 The flexible nature of this approach is important, because it can allow us to increase the ‘analytic incisiveness’35 of the study. Preliminary analysis of data collected from individual sites informed the focus of later stages of sampling, data collection and analysis in other sites.Thus, sampling requires a flexible, pragmatic approach and purposive and maximum variation sampling (theoretical sampling) was used. This included five hospitals selected to represent cheap levitra for sale a range of hospitals types, geographies and socioeconomic catchments. Five hospitals were purposefully selected to represent a range of hospitals types.

Two large university teaching hospitals, two medium-sized general hospitals and one smaller general hospital. This included one urban, two inner city and two hospitals covering a mix of rural and suburban catchment areas, all situated within England and Wales.These sites represented a range of expertise and interventions in caring for people with dementia, from no formal expertise to the deployment cheap levitra for sale of specialist dementia workers. Fractures, nutritional disorders, urinary tract and pneumonia40 41 are among the principal causes of admission to acute hospital settings among people with dementia. Thus, we focused observation within trauma and orthopaedic wards (80 days) and cheap levitra for sale medical assessment units (MAU.

75 days).Across these sites, 155 days of observational fieldwork were carried out. At each of the five sites, a minimum of 30 days observation took place, split between the two ward types. Observations were carried out by two researchers, each working cheap levitra for sale in clusters of 2–4 days over a 6-week period at each site. A single day of observation could last a minimum of 2 hours and a maximum of 12 hours.

A total of 684 hours of observation were conducted for this study. This produced approximately 600 000 words of observational fieldnotes that were transcribed, cleaned and anonymised (by KF and AN) cheap levitra for sale. We also carried out ethnographic (during observation) interviews with trauma and orthopaedic ward (192 ethnographic interviews and 22 group interviews) and MAU (222 ethnographic interviews) staff (including nurses, HCAs, auxiliary and support staff and medical teams) as they cared for this patient group. This allowed us to question what they are doing and why, and what are the caring practices of ward staff when interacting with people living with dementia.Patients within these settings with a diagnosis of dementia were identified through ward nursing handover notes, patient records and board data with the assistance of ward staff cheap levitra for sale.

Following the provision of written and verbal information about the study, and the expression of willingness to take part, written consent was taken from patients, staff and visitors directly observed or spoken to as part of the study.To optimise the generalisability of our findings,42 our approach emphasises the importance of comparisons across sites,43 with theoretical saturation achieved following the search for negative cases, and on exploring a diverse and wide range of data. When no additional empirical data were found, we concluded that the analytical categories were saturated.36 44Grounded theory and ethnography are complementary traditions, with grounded theory strengthening the ethnographic aims of achieving a theoretical interpretation of the data, while the ethnographic approach prevents a rigid application of grounded theory.35 Using an ethnographic approach can mean that everything within a setting is treated as data, which can lead to large volumes of unconnected data and a descriptive analysis.45 This approach provides a middle ground in which the ethnographer, often seen as a passive observer of the social world, uses grounded theory to provide a systematic approach to data collection and analysis that can be used to develop theory to address the interpretive realities of participants within this setting.35Patient and public involvementThe data presented in this paper are drawn from a wider ethnographic study supported by an advisory group of people living with dementia and their family carers. It was this advisory group that informed us of the need of a better understanding of the cheap levitra for sale impacts of the everyday care received by people living with dementia in acute hospital settings. The authors met with this group on a regular basis throughout the study, and received guidance on both the design of the study and the format of written materials used to recruit participants to the study.

The external oversight group for this study included, and was chaired, by carers of people living with dementia. Once data analysis was complete, the advisory group cheap levitra for sale commented on our initial findings and recommendations. During and on completion of the analysis, a series of public consultation events were held with people living with dementia and family carers to ensure their involvement in discussing, informing and refining our analysis.FindingsWithin this paper, we focus on exploring the medical gaze through the embedded institutional cultures of patient clothing, and the implications this have for patients living with dementia within acute hospital wards. These findings emerged from our wider analysis of our ethnographic study examining ward cultures of care cheap levitra for sale and the experiences of people living with dementia.

Here, we examine the ways in which the cultures of clothing within wards impact on the visibility of patients within it, what clothing and identity mean within the ward and the ways in which clothing can be a source of distress. We will look at how personal grooming and appearance can affect status within the ward, and finally explore the removal of clothing, and the impacts of its absence.Ward clothing culturesAcross our sites, there was variation in the cultures of patient clothing and dress. Within many wards, it was typical for all cheap levitra for sale older patients to be dressed in hospital-issued institutional gowns and pyjamas (typically in pastel blue, pink, green or peach), paired with hospital supplied socks (usually bright red, although there was some small variation) with non-slip grip soles, while in other wards, it was standard practice for people to be supported to dress in their own clothes. Across all these wards, we observed that younger patients (middle aged/working age) were more likely to be able to wear their own clothes while admitted to a ward, than older patients and those with a dementia diagnosis.Among key signifiers of social status and individuality are the material things around the person, which in these hospital wards included the accoutrements around the bedside.

Significantly, it was observed that people living with dementia were more likely to be wearing an institutional hospital gown or institutional pyjamas, and to have little to individuate the person at the bedside, on either their cabinet or the mobile tray table at their bedside. The wearing of institutional clothing was typically cheap levitra for sale connected to fewer personal items on display or within reach of the patient, with any items tidied away out of sight. In contrast, younger working age patients often had many personal belongings, cards, gadgets, books, media players, with young adults also often having a range of ‘get well soon’ gifts, balloons and so on from the hospital gift shop) on display. This both afforded some elements of familiarity, but also marked the person out as someone with individuality and a certain social standing and place.Visibility of patients on a wardThe significance cheap levitra for sale of the obscurity or invisibility of the patient in artworks depicting doctors has been commented on.4 Likewise, we observed that some patients within these wards were much more ‘visible’ to staff than others.

It was often apparent how the wearing of personal clothing could make the patient and their needs more readily visible to others as a person. This may be especially so given the contrast in appearance clothing may produce in this particular setting. On occasion, this may be remarked on by staff, and the resulting cheap levitra for sale attention received favourably by the patient.A member of the bay team returned to a patient and found her freshly dressed in a white tee shirt, navy slacks and black velvet slippers and exclaimed aloud and appreciatively, ‘Wow, look at you!. €™ The patient looked pleased as she sat and combed her hair [site 3 day 1].Such a simple act of recognition as someone with a socially approved appearance takes on a special significance in the context of an acute hospital ward, and for patients living with dementia whose personhood may be overlooked in various ways.46This question of visibility of patients may also be particularly important when people living with dementia may be less able to make their needs and presence known.

In this example, a whole bay of patients was seemingly ‘invisible’. Here, the ethnographer is observing a four-bed bay occupied by male patients living with dementia.The man cheap levitra for sale in bed 17 is sitting in his bedside chair. He is dressed in green hospital issue pyjamas and yellow grip socks. At 10 a.m., cheap levitra for sale the physiotherapy team come and see him.

The physiotherapist crouches down in front of him and asks him how he is. He says he is unhappy, and the physiotherapist explains that she’ll be back later to see him again. The nurse checks on him, asks him if he wants a cheap levitra for sale pillow, and puts it behind his head explaining to him, ‘You need to sit in the chair for a bit’. She pulls his bedside trolley near to him.

With the help of a Healthcare Assistant they make the bed. The Healthcare Assistant chats to him, puts cake out cheap levitra for sale for him, and puts a blanket over his legs. He is shaking slightly and I wonder if he is cold.The nurse explains to me, ‘The problem is this is a really unstimulating environment’, then says to the patient, ‘All done, let’s have a bit of a tidy up,’ before wheeling the equipment out.The neighbouring patient in bed 18, is now sitting in his bedside chair, wearing (his own) striped pyjamas. His eyes are cheap levitra for sale open, and he is looking around.

After a while, he closes his eyes and dozes. The team chat to patient 19 behind the curtains. He says he doesn’t want to sit, and they say that is fine unless the doctors cheap levitra for sale tell them otherwise.The nurse puts music on an old radio with a CD player which is at the doorway near the ward entrance. It sounds like music from a musical and the ward it is quite noisy suddenly.

She turns down the volume a bit, but it is very jaunty and upbeat. The man in bed 19 quietly sings cheap levitra for sale along to the songs. €˜I am going to see my baby when I go home on victory day…’At ten thirty, the nurse goes off on her break. The rest of the team are spread around the other bays and side cheap levitra for sale rooms.

There are long distances between bays within this ward. After all the earlier activity it is now very calm and peaceful in the bay. Patient 20 is sitting in the chair tapping cheap levitra for sale his feet to the music. He has taken out a large hessian shopping bag out of his cabinet and is sorting through the contents.

There is a lot of paperwork in it which he is reading through closely and sorting.Opposite, patient 17 looks very cheap levitra for sale uncomfortable. He is sitting with two pillows behind his back but has slipped down the chair. His head is in his hands and he suddenly looks in pain. He hasn’t touched his tea, and is talking cheap levitra for sale to himself.

The junior medic was aware that 17 was not comfortable, and it had looked like she was going to get some advice, but she hasn’t come back. 18 drinks his tea and looks at a wool twiddle mitt sleeve, puts it down, and dozes. 19 has finished all his coffee and manages to put the cup down on the trolley.Everyone is tapping their feet or wiggling their toes to the music, or singing quietly to it, when a student nurse, who is working at the cheap levitra for sale computer station in the corridor outside the room, comes in. She has a strong purposeful stride and looks irritated as she switches the music off.

It feels cheap levitra for sale like a jolt to the room. She turns and looks at me and says, ‘Sorry were you listening to it?. €™ I tell her that I think these gentlemen were listening to it.She suddenly looks very startled and surprised and looks at the men in the room for the first time. They have all stopped tapping their cheap levitra for sale toes and stopped singing along.

She turns it back on but asks me if she can turn it down. She leaves and goes back to her paperwork outside. Once it cheap levitra for sale is turned back on everyone starts tapping their toes again. The music plays on.

€˜There’ll be bluebirds over the white cliffs of Dover, just you wait and see…’[Site cheap levitra for sale 3 day 3]The music was played by staff to help combat the drab and unstimulating environment of this hospital ward for the patients, the very people the ward is meant to serve. Yet for this member of ward staff the music was perceived as a nuisance, the men for whom the music was playing seemingly did not register to her awareness. Only an individual of ‘higher’ status, the researcher, sitting at the end of this room was visible to her. This example illustrates the general question of the visibility or otherwise cheap levitra for sale of patients.

Focusing on our immediate topic, there may be complex pathways through which clothing may impact on how patients living with dementia are perceived, and on their self-perception.Clothing and identityOn these wards, we also observed how important familiar aspects of appearance were to relatives. Family members may be distressed if they find the person they knew so well, looking markedly different. In the example below, a mother and two adult daughters visit the father of cheap levitra for sale the family, who is not visible to them as the person they were so familiar with. His is not wearing his glasses, which are missing, and his daughters find this very difficult.

Even though he looks very different following his admission—he has lost a large amount of weight and has sunken cheekbones, and his skin has taken on a darker hue—it is his glasses which are a key concern for the family in their recognition of their father:As I enter the corridor to go back to the ward, I meet the wife and daughter of the patient in bed 2 in cheap levitra for sale the hall and walk with them back to the ward. Their father looks very frail, his head is back, and his face is immobile, his eyes are closed, and his mouth is open. His skin looks darker than before, and his cheekbones and eye sockets are extremely prominent from weight loss. €˜I am like a bird I want to cheap levitra for sale fly away…’ plays softly in the radio in the bay.

I sit with them for a bit and we chat—his wife holds his hand as we talk. His wife has to take two busses to get to the hospital and we talk about the potential care home they expect her husband will be discharged to. They hope it will cheap levitra for sale be close because she does not drive. He isn’t wearing his glasses and his daughter tells me that they can’t find them.

We look in cheap levitra for sale the bedside cabinet. She has never seen her dad without his glasses. €˜He doesn’t look like my dad without his glasses’ [Site 2 day 15].It was often these small aspects of personal clothing and grooming that prompted powerful responses from visiting family members. Missing glasses and missing teeth were notable in cheap levitra for sale this regard (and with the follow-up visits from the relatives of discharged patients trying to retrieve these now lost objects).

The location of these possessions, which could have a medical purpose in the case of glasses, dental prosthetics, hearing aids or accessories which contained personal and important aspects of a patient’s identity, such as wallets or keys, and particularly, for female patients, handbags, could be a prominent source of distress for individuals. These accessories to personal clothing were notable on these wards by their everyday absence, hidden away in bedside cupboards or simply not brought in with the patient at admission, and by the frequency with which patients requested and called out for them or tried to look for them, often in repetitive cycles that indicated their underlying anxiety about these belongings, but which would become invisible to staff, becoming an everyday background intrusion to the work of the wards.When considering the visibility and recognition of individual persons, missing glasses, especially glasses for distance vision, have a particular significance, for without them, a person may be less able to recognise and interact visually with others. Their presence facilitates the subject of the gaze, in gazing back, and hence helps to ground meaningful and reciprocal relationships of recognition cheap levitra for sale. This may be one factor behind the distress of relatives in finding their loved ones’ glasses to be absent.Clothing as a source of distressAcross all sites, we observed patients living with dementia who exhibited obvious distress at aspects of their institutional apparel and at the absence of their own personal clothing.

Some older patients were clearly able to verbalise their understandings of the impacts of wearing cheap levitra for sale institutional clothing. One patient remarked to a nurse of her hospital blue tracksuit. €˜I look like an Olympian or Wentworth prison in this outfit!. The latter I expect…’ The staff laughed as they walked her out of the bay (site 3 day 1).Institutional clothing may be a source of distress to patients, although they may be unable to cheap levitra for sale express this verbally.

Kontos has shown how people living with dementia may retain an awareness at a bodily level of the demands of etiquette.20 Likewise, in our study, a man living with dementia, wearing a very large institutional pyjama top, which had no collar and a very low V neck, continually tried to pull it up to cover his chest. The neckline was particularly low, because the pyjamas were far too large for him. He continued to fiddle with his very low-necked top even when his lunch tray was placed cheap levitra for sale in front of him. He clearly felt very uncomfortable with such clothing.

He continued using his hands to try to pull it up to cover his exposed chest, during and after the meal was finished (site 3 day 5).For some patients, the communication of this distress in relation to clothing may be liable to misinterpretation and cheap levitra for sale may have further impacts on how they are viewed within the ward. Here, a patient living with dementia recently admitted to this ward became tearful and upset after having a shower. She had no fresh clothes, and so the team had provided her with a pink hospital gown to wear.‘I want my trousers, where is my bra, I’ve got no bra on.’ It is clear she doesn’t feel right without her own clothes on. The one-to-one cheap levitra for sale healthcare assistant assigned to this patient tells her, ‘Your bra is dirty, do you want to wear that?.

€™ She replies, ‘No I want a clean one. Where are my trousers?. I want them, I’ve lost them.’ The healthcare assistant repeats the explaination that her clothes are cheap levitra for sale dirty, and asks her, ‘Do you want your dirty ones?. €™ She is very teary ‘No, I want my clean ones.’ The carer again explains that they are dirty.The cleaner who always works in the ward arrives to clean the floor and sweeps around the patient as she sits in her chair, and as he does this, he says ‘Hello’ to her.

She is cheap levitra for sale very teary and explains that she has lost her clothes. The cleaner listens sympathetically as she continues ‘I am all confused. I have lost my clothes. I am cheap levitra for sale all confused.

How am I going to go to the shops with no clothes on!. €™ (site 5 day 5).This person experienced significant distress because of her absent clothes, but this would often be simply attributed to confusion, seen as a feature of her dementia. This then may solidify staff perceptions cheap levitra for sale of her condition. However, we need to consider that rather than her condition (her diagnosis of dementia) causing distress about clothing, the direction of causation may be the reverse.

The absence of her own familiar clothing contributes significantly to her distress and cheap levitra for sale disorientation. Others have argued that people with limited verbal capacity and limited cognitive comprehension will have a direct appreciation of the grounding familiarity of wearing their own clothes, which give a bodily felt notion of comfort and familiarity.18 47 Familiar clothing may then be an essential prop to anchor the wearer within a recognisable social and meaningful space. To simply see clothing from a task-oriented point of view, as fulfilling a simply mechanical function, and that all clothing, whether personal or institutional have the same value and role, might be to interpret the desire to wear familiar clothing as an ‘optional extra’. However, for those patients most at risk of disorientation cheap levitra for sale and distress within an unfamiliar environment, it could be a valuable necessity.Personal grooming and social statusIncluding in our consideration of clothing, we observed other aspects of the role of personal grooming.

Personal grooming was notable by its absence beyond the necessary cleaning required for reasons of immediate hygiene and clinical need (such as the prevention of pressure ulcers). Older patients, and particular those living with dementia who were unable to carry out ‘self-care’ independently and were not able to request support with personal grooming, could, over their admission, become visibly unkempt and scruffy, hair could be left unwashed, uncombed and unstyled, while men could become hirsute through a lack of shaving. The simple act of a visitor dressing and grooming a patient as they prepared for discharge could transform their appearance and leave that patient looking more alert, appear to having cheap levitra for sale increased capacity, than when sitting ungroomed in their bed or bedside chair.It is important to consider the impact of appearance and of personal care in the context of an acute ward. Kontos’ work examining life in a care home, referred to earlier, noted that people living with dementia may be acutely aware of transgressions in grooming and appearance, and noted many acts of self-care with personal appearance, such as stopping to apply lipstick, and conformity with high standards of table manners.

Clothing, etiquette and personal grooming are important indicators of social class and hence an cheap levitra for sale aspect of belonging and identity, and of how an individual relates to a wider group. In Kontos’ findings, these rituals and standards of appearance were also observed in negative reactions, such as expressions of disgust, towards those residents who breached these standards. Hence, even in cases where an individual may be assessed as having considerable cognitive impairment, the importance of personal appearance must not be overlooked.For some patients within these wards, routine practices of everyday care at the bedside can increase the potential to influence whether they feel and appear socially acceptable. The delivery of routine timetabled care at the bedside can impact on people’s appearance in ways that may mark them out as failing to achieve accepted standards of embodied personhood cheap levitra for sale.

The task-oriented timetabling of mealtimes may have significance. It was a typical observed feature of this routine, when a mealtime has ended, that people living with dementia were left with visible signs and features of the mealtime through spillages on faces, clothes, bed sheets and bedsides, that leave them at risk of being assessed as less socially acceptable and marked as having reduced independence. For example, a volunteer attempts to ‘feed’ a person living with dementia, when she gives up and leave the bedside (this woman living with dementia has resisted her attempts and explicitly says ‘no’), remnants of the food is left spread around cheap levitra for sale her mouth (site E). In a different ward, the mealtime has ended, yet a large white plastic bib to prevent food spillages remains attached around the neck of a person living with dementia who is unable to remove it (site X).Of note, an adult would not normally wear a white plastic bib at home or in a restaurant.

It signifies a task-based cheap levitra for sale apparel that is demeaning to an individual’s social status. This example also contrasts poignantly with examples from Kontos’ work,20 such as that of a female who had little or no ability to verbalise, but who nonetheless would routinely take her pearl necklace out from under her bib at mealtimes, showing she retained an acute awareness of her own appearance and the ‘right’ way to display this symbol of individuality, femininity and status. Likewise, Kontos gives the example of a resident who at mealtimes ‘placed her hand on her chest, to prevent her blouse from touching the food as she leaned over her plate’.20Patients who are less robust, who have cognitive impairments, who may be liable to disorientation and whose agency and personhood are most vulnerable are thus those for whom appropriate and familiar clothing may be most advantageous. However, we cheap levitra for sale found the ‘Matthew effect’ to be frequently in operation.

To those who have the least, even that which they have will be taken away.48 Although there may be institutional and organisational rationales for putting a plastic cover over a patient, leaving it on for an extended period following a meal may act as a marker of dehumanising loss of social status. By being able to maintain familiar clothing and adornment to visually display social standing and identity, a person living with dementia may maintain a continuity of selfhood.However, it is also possible that dressing and grooming an older person may itself be a task-oriented institutional activity in certain contexts, as discussed by Lee-Treweek49 in the context of a nursing home preparing residents for ‘lounge view’ where visitors would see them, using residents to ‘create a visual product for others’ sometimes to the detriment of residents’ needs. Our observations regarding the cheap levitra for sale importance of patient appearance must therefore be considered as part of the care of the whole person and a significant feature of the institutional culture.Patient status and appearanceWithin these wards, a new grouping of class could become imposed on patients. We understand class not simply as socioeconomic class but as an indicator of the strata of local social organisation to which an individual belongs.

Those in cheap levitra for sale the lowest classes may have limited opportunities to participate in society, and we observed the ways in which this applied to the people living with dementia within these acute wards. The differential impact of clothing as signifiers of social status has also been observed in a comparison of the white coat and the patient gown.4 It has been argued that while these both may help to mask individuality, they have quite different effects on social status on a ward. One might say that the white coat increases visibility as a person of standing and the attribution of agency, the patient gown diminishes both of these. (Within these wards, cheap levitra for sale although white coats were not to be found, the dress code of medical staff did make them stand out.

For male doctors, for example, the uniform rarely strayed beyond chinos paired with a blue oxford button down shirt, sleeves rolled up, while women wore a wider range of smart casual office wear.) Likewise, we observed that the same arrangement of attire could be attributed to entirely different meanings for older patients with or without dementia.Removal of clothes and exposureWithin these wards, we observed high levels of behaviour perceived by ward staff as people living with dementia displaying ‘resistance’ to care.50 This included ‘resistance’ towards institutional clothing. This could include pulling up or removing hospital gowns, removing institutional pyjama trousers or pulling up gowns, and standing with gowns untied and exposed at the back (although this last example is an unavoidable design feature of the clothing itself). Importantly, the cheap levitra for sale removal of clothing was limited to institutional gowns and pyjamas and we did not see any patients removing their own clothing. This also included the removal of institutional bedding, with instances of patients pulling or kicking sheets from their bed.

These acts could and was often interpreted cheap levitra for sale by ward staff as a patient’s ‘resistance’ to care. There was some variation in this interpretation. However, when an individual patient response to their institutional clothing and bedding was repeated during a shift, it was more likely to be conceived by the ward team as a form of resistance to their care, and responded to by the replacement and reinforcement of the clothing and bedding to recover the person.The removal of gowns, pyjamas and bedsheets often resulted in a patient exposing their genitalia or continence products (continence pads could be visible as a large diaper or nappy or a pad visibly held in place by transparent net pants), and as such, was disruptive to the norms and highly visible to staff and other visitor to these wards. Notably, unlike other behaviours considered by cheap levitra for sale staff to be disruptive or inappropriate within these wards such as shouting or crying out, the removal of bedsheets and the subsequent bodily exposure would always be immediately corrected, the sheet replaced and the patient covered by either the nurse or HCA.

The act of removal was typically interpreted by ward staff as representing a feature of the person’s dementia and staff responses were framed as an issue of patient dignity, or the dignity and embarrassment of other patients and visitors to the ward. However, such responses to removal could lead to cheap levitra for sale further cycles of removal and replacement, leading to an escalation of distress in the person. This was important, because the recording of ‘refusal of care’, or presumed ‘confusion’ associated with this, could have significant impacts on the care and discharge pathways available and prescribed for the individual patient.Consider the case of a woman living with dementia who is 90 years old (patient 1), in the example below. Despite having no immediate medical needs, she has been admitted to the MAU from a care home (following her husband’s stroke, he could no longer care for her).

Across the previous evening and morning shift, she was shouting, refusing all food and care and has received assistance from the cheap levitra for sale specialist dementia care worker. However, during this shift, she has become calmer following a visit from her husband earlier in the day, has since eaten and requested drinks. Her care home would not readmit her, which meant she was not able to be discharged from the unit (an overflow unit due to a high number of admissions to the emergency department during a patch of exceptionally hot weather) until alternative arrangements could be made by social services.During our observations, she remains calm for the first 2 hours. When she does talk, she is very loud and high pitched, but this cheap levitra for sale is normal for her and not a sign of distress.

For staff working on this bay, their attention is elsewhere, because of the other six patients on the unit, one is ‘on suicide watch’ and another is ‘refusing their medication’ (but does not have a diagnosis of dementia). At 15:10 patient 1 begins cheap levitra for sale to remove her sheets:15:10. The unit seems chaotic today. Patient 1 has begun to loudly drum her fingers on the tray table.

She still has not cheap levitra for sale been brought more milk, which she requested from the HCA an hour earlier. The bay that patient 1 is admitted to is a temporary overflow unit and as a result staff do not know where things are. 1 has moved her sheets off her legs, her bare knees peeking out over the top of piled sheets.15:15. The nurse in charge says, ‘Hello,’ cheap levitra for sale when she walks past 1’s bed.

1 looks across and smiles back at her. The nurse in charge explains to her cheap levitra for sale that she needs to shuffle up the bed. 1 asks the nurse about her husband. The nurse reminds 1 that her husband was there this morning and that he is coming back tomorrow.

1 says that he hasn’t been cheap levitra for sale and she does not believe the nurse.15:25. I overhear the nurse in charge question, under her breath to herself, ‘Why 1 has been left on the unit?. €™ 1 has started asking for somebody to come and see her. The nurse in charge tells 1 that she needs to do cheap levitra for sale some jobs first and then will come and talk to her.15:30.

1 has once again kicked her sheets off of her legs. A social worker comes onto cheap levitra for sale the unit. 1 shouts, ‘Excuse me’ to her. The social worker replies, ‘Sorry I’m not staff, I don’t work here’ and leaves the bay.15:40.

1 keeps kicking sheets off her cheap levitra for sale bed, otherwise the unit is quiet. She now whimpers whenever anyone passes her bed, which is whenever anyone comes through the unit’s door. 1 is the only elderly patient on the unit. Again, the nurse in charge is heard sympathizing that this is not the right place for cheap levitra for sale her.16:30.

A doctor approaches 1, tells her that she is on her list of people to say hello to, she is quite friendly. 1 tells cheap levitra for sale her that she has been here for 3 days, (the rest is inaudible because of pitch). The doctor tries to cover 1 up, raising her bed sheet back over the bed, but 1 loudly refuses this. The doctor responds by ending the interaction, ‘See you later’, and leaves the unit.16:40.

1 attempts to talk to the new cheap levitra for sale nurse assigned to the unit. She goes over to 1 and says, ‘What’s up my darling?. €™ It’s hard to follow 1 now as she sounds very upset. The RN’s first instinct, like with the doctor and the nurse in charge, is to cover up 1 s legs with her bed cheap levitra for sale sheet.

When 1 reacts to this she talks to her and they agree to cover up her knees. 1 is talking about how her husband won’t come and visit her, and cheap levitra for sale still sounds really upset about this. [Site 3, Day 13]Of note is that between days 6 and 15 at this site, observed over a particularly warm summer, this unit was uncomfortably hot and stuffy. The need to be uncovered could be viewed as a reasonable response, and in fact was considered acceptable for patients without a classification of dementia, provided they were otherwise clothed, such as the hospital gown patient 1 was wearing.

This is an example of an aspect of care where the choice and autonomy granted to patients assessed as having (or assumed to have) cognitive capacity is not available to cheap levitra for sale people who are considered to have impaired cognitive capacity (a diagnosis of dementia) and carries the additional moral judgements of the appropriateness of behaviour and bodily exposure. In the example given above, the actions were linked to the patient’s resistance to their admission to the hospital, driven by her desire to return home and to be with her husband. Throughout observations over this 10-day period, patients perceived by staff as rational agents were allowed to strip down their bedding for comfort, whereas patients living with dementia who responded in this way were often viewed by staff as ‘undressing’, which would be interpreted as a feature of their condition, to be challenged and corrected by staff.Note how the same visual data triggered opposing interpretations of personal autonomy. Just as in cheap levitra for sale the example above where distress over loss of familiar clothing may be interpreted as an aspect of confusion, yet lead to, or exacerbate, distress and disorientation.

So ‘deviant’ bedding may be interpreted, for some patients only, in ways that solidify notions of lack of agency and confusion, is another example of the Matthew effect48 at work through the organisational expectations of the clothed appearance of patients.Within wards, it is not unusual to see patients, especially those with a diagnosis of dementia or cognitive impairment, walking in the corridor inadvertently in some state of undress, typically exposed from behind by their hospital gowns. This exposure in itself is of course, cheap levitra for sale an intrinsic functional feature of the design of the flimsy back-opening institutional clothing the patient has been placed in. This task-based clothing does not even fulfil this basic function very adequately. However, this inadvertent exposure could often be interpreted as an overt act of resistance to the ward and towards staff, especially when it led to exposed genitalia or continence products (pads or nappies).We speculate that the interpretation of resistance may be triggered by the visual prompt of disarrayed clothing and the meanings assumed to follow, where lack of decorum in attire is interpreted as indicating more general behavioural incompetence, cognitive impairment and/or standing outside the social order.DiscussionPrevious studies examining the significance of the visual, particularly Twigg and Buse’s work16–19 exploring the materialities of appearance, emphasise its key role in self-presentation, visibility, dignity and autonomy for older people and especially those living with dementia in care home settings.

Similarly, care home studies have demonstrated that institutional clothing, designed to facilitate task-based care, can be potentially dehumanising or and distressing.25 26 Our findings resonate with this work, but find that for people living with dementia within a key site of care, the acute ward, cheap levitra for sale the impact of institutional clothing on the individual patient living with dementia, is poorly recognised, but is significant for the quality and humanity of their care.Our ethnographic approach enabled the researchers to observe the organisation and delivery of task-oriented fast-paced nature of the work of the ward and bedside care. Nonetheless, it should also be emphasised the instances in which staff such as HCAs and specialist dementia staff within these wards took time to take note of personal appearance and physical caring for patients and how important this can be for overall well-being. None of our observations should be read as critical of any individual staff, but reflects longstanding institutional cultures.Our previous work has examined how readily a person living with dementia within a hospital wards is vulnerable to dehumanisation,51 and to their behaviour within these wards being interpreted as a feature of their condition, rather than a response to the ways in which timetabled care is delivered at their bedside.50 We have also examined the ways in which visual stimuli within these wards in the form of signs and symbols indicating a diagnosis of dementia may inadvertently focus attention away from the individual patient and may incline towards simplified and inaccurate categorisation of both needs and the diagnostic category of dementia.52Our work supports the analysis of the two forms of attention arising from McGilchrist’s work.10 The institutional culture of the wards produces an organisational task-based technical attention, which we found appeared to compete with and reduce the opportunity for ward staff to seek a finer emotional attunement to the person they are caring for and their needs. Focus on efficiency, pace cheap levitra for sale and record keeping that measures individual task completion within a timetable of care may worsen all these effects.

Indeed, other work has shown that in some contexts, attention to visual appearance may itself be little more than a ‘task’ to achieve.49 McGilchrist makes clear, and we agree, that both forms of attention are vital, but more needs to be done to enable staff to find a balance.Previous work has shown how important appearance is to older people, and to people living with dementia in particular, both in terms of how they are perceived by others, but also how for this group, people living with dementia, clothing and personal grooming may act as a particularly important anchor into a familiar social world. These twin aspects of clothing and appearance—self-perception and perception by others—may be especially important in the fast-paced context of an acute ward environment, where patients living with dementia may be struggling with the impacts of cheap levitra for sale an additional acute medical condition within in a highly timetabled and regimented and unfamiliar environment of the ward, and where staff perceptions of them may feed into clinical assessments of their condition and subsequent treatment and discharge pathways. We have seen above, for instance, how behaviour in relation to appearance may be seen as ‘resisting care’ in one group of patients, but as the natural expression of personal preference in patients viewed as being without cognitive impairments. Likewise, personal grooming might impact favourably on a patient’s alertness, visibility and status within the ward.Prior work has demonstrated the importance of the medical gaze for the perceptions of the patient.

Other work has also shown how older people, and in cheap levitra for sale particular people living with dementia, may be thought to be beyond concern for appearance, yet this does not accurately reflect the importance of appearance we found for this patient group. Indeed, we argue that our work, along with the work of others such as Kontos,20 21 shows that if anything, visual appearance is especially important for people living with dementia particularly within clinical settings. In considering the task of washing the patient, Pols53 considered ‘dignitas’ in terms of aesthetic values, in comparison to humanitas conceived as citizen values of equality between persons. Attention to dignitas in the form of appearance may be a way of facilitating the treatment by others of a person cheap levitra for sale with humanitas, and helping to realise dignity of patients.Data availability statementNo data are available.

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Q. I keep hearing about the “coverage gap” in states that are not expanding Medicaid. Can you explain what that means and who it affects?.

A. We’ll get into the details below, but the short answer is that people with income below the poverty level are not eligible for the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) premium tax credits (premium subsidies), and if they’re in a state that has refused to expand Medicaid eligibility under the ACA, they may not be eligible for Medicaid either. That leaves them in a situation in which they’re living in poverty but also ineligible for financial assistance with their health insurance.

To clarify, this is currently only a problem in 13 states, and it’s entirely caused by those states’ decision to not expand Medicaid. The ACA did not create any sort of coverage gap. It was purposely designed to ensure that there would be no coverage gaps for low-income Americans, even for recent immigrants (as long as they’re lawfully present in the US).Now, for the details:When the Affordable Care Act was written, a cornerstone of the legislation was the expansion of Medicaid to everyone with household incomes up to 138 percent of federal poverty level, (FPL).Technically the law expands Medicaid to 133 percent of FPL (states can also opt to set a higher threshold), but the legislation includes an income calculation methodology that disregards the top five percentage points, so a household can have an income of up to 138 percent of FPL and still qualify for expanded Medicaid, since the 5 percent disregard brings their income down to 133 percent of FPL.Originally, the law required states to expand Medicaid in order to continue to receive federal Medicaid funding.

But very little of the total burden was placed on the states. The federal government paid the full cost of Medicaid expansion for the first three years (2014 through 2016), and then the states began to pay a small portion, ramping up to 10 percent by 2020 and remaining at that level going forward. The federal government will always pay at least 90 percent of the cost of covering the newly eligible population, assuming the ACA remains in place.Expansion is optional, and some states continue to say noBut in 2012, the Supreme Court, while upholding the rest of the ACA, struck down the Medicaid expansion requirement, leaving it up to each state to decide whether or not to participate.

As of late 2020, 36 states plus the District of Columbia had expanded Medicaid.There are still 14 states where Medicaid eligibility has not been expanded under the ACA, although Wisconsin has a unique situation and does not have a coverage gap (Wisconsin essentially implemented a partial Medicaid expansion — without the enhanced federal funding they’d receive if they fully expanded Medicaid). So there is still a coverage gap in 13 states. Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming.But Medicaid expansion continues to slowly spread across the remaining states, as we knew it would.

Voters in Oklahoma and Missouri approved Medicaid expansion ballot measures in 2020, so Medicaid expansion will take effect in both states as of mid-2021, eliminating their coverage gaps (Nebraska‘s coverage gap was eliminated in October 2020, when Medicaid expansion took effect there).And Georgia will partially expand Medicaid as of mid-2021. Georgia’s partial expansion will only apply to people with income up to the poverty level. In theory, this will eliminate the coverage gap.

But Georgia also plans to implement a Medicaid work requirement, which will reduce the number of people who are eligible for coverage.Medicaid eligibility varies depending on where you liveIn Washington, D.C. And the 36 states where Medicaid eligibility has been expanded, adults up to the age of 64 (who meet the immigration status requirements) are eligible for Medicaid with a household income up to 138 percent of FPL are eligible for Medicaid.But in the states that have not expanded Medicaid, eligibility is still based on pre-ACA guidelines. In most cases, that means Medicaid is only available to people with disabilities, low-income children and pregnant women, and extremely low-income parents.

In Alabama, for example, Medicaid is available for parents with a household income of up to 18 percent of FPL (13 percent plus the 5 percent income disregard). For a family of three, that’s $3,909 in annual income in 2020. If the family’s income exceeds that amount, the parents would not qualify for Medicaid.And Medicaid is generally not available at all to childless adults in states not expanding Medicaid, regardless of how low their income is.

(This chart has income limits for Medicaid in each state, and contact information for each state’s Medicaid Department is available here.)The coverage gap. No realistic access to health insuranceThe “coverage gap” exists because the ACA’s premium tax credits (premium subsidies) are only available for people with a household income of at least 100 percent of FPL, up to 400 percent of FPL. The subsidies are not available below 100 percent of FPL, because when the ACA was written, Medicaid expansion was an integral part of the law.

It was assumed that subsidies would not be needed below 100 percent of FPL, since Medicaid would be available instead.So in states that are not expanding Medicaid, virtually all non-disabled childless adults with incomes below 100 percent of FPL, as well as a large number of parents with incomes below 100 percent of FPL, are not eligible for any financial assistance to help them afford health insurance. Premium subsidies are not available to them through the exchange/marketplace, and they don’t qualify for Medicaid unless they meet the stringent existing guidelines.According to Kaiser Family Foundation data, there are about 2.3 million people in the coverage gap across the 13 states where the coverage gap still exists. About 208,000 of those people are in Missouri and Oklahoma, where there will no longer be a coverage gap as of mid-2021.The majority of the people in the coverage gap are in Texas, North Carolina, Florida, and Georgia — more than 1.6 million of the people in the coverage gap are in those four states.

As noted above, Georgia plans to partially expand Medicaid in mid-2021, but the planned work requirement and its documentation/reporting requirements will prevent the coverage gap from closing altogether.Households with incomes below 100 percent of FPL generally cannot afford to pay full price for health insurance. In most cases, they will remain uninsured, simply because they have no other alternatives. Unfortunately, this disproportionately impacts people of color, particularly in the southern United States where almost all of the states have maintained their pre-ACA Medicaid eligibility guidelines.Possible solutions if you’re in the coverage gapIf you’re in the coverage gap, Medicaid isn’t available, and ACA-compliant coverage can only be purchased at full price – generally an unrealistic option, given that everyone in the coverage gap has an income below the poverty level.

There are a few possible solutions, not all of which are adequate or realistic:For coverageYou could move to a state that has expanded Medicaid, but that may be easier said than done for people with low-wage jobs, few assets, and few prospects elsewhere.You could increase your income to at least the federal poverty level (FPL), in order to obtain subsidized health coverage (if that happens mid-year, you’ll qualify for a special enrollment period during which you can enroll in a subsidized plan). Again, this is easier said than done depending on one’s circumstances. Navigators have been invaluable in helping poor people tally up income from varied sources in order to get their total income up to the poverty level, where subsidies become available.You can purchase a non-ACA compliant plan, which includes things like short-term health insurance, accident supplements, critical illness coverage, discount plans, direct primary care plans, or health care sharing ministry plans.

Although in most cases – with the exception of short-term insurance and health care sharing ministries – these were never intended to be stand-alone coverage, and some are not regulated by state insurance departments or subject to state/federal insurance laws.For careFree clinics and federally funded community health centers provide a wide range of preventive and primary care services for people in the coverage gap. More than a million low-income, uninsured Americans rely on community health centers that offer care on a sliding fee scale. And the ACA provided funding to increase the number of community health centers across the country.

For many in the coverage gap, a community health center is their only realistic access to care, although treatment is limited to primary care.You can rely on EMTALA for emergency situations. Emergency departments cannot turn patients away due to inability to pay. However, emergency departments are only required to stabilize patients.

There’s no provision for ongoing treatment under EMTALA.Louise Norris is an individual health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts..

Q http://commanddeliverysystems.com/locations-2/ cheap levitra for sale. I keep hearing about the “coverage gap” in states that are not expanding Medicaid. Can you cheap levitra for sale explain what that means and who it affects?.

A. We’ll get cheap levitra for sale into the details below, but the short answer is that people with income below the poverty level are not eligible for the Affordable Care Act’s (ACA) premium tax credits (premium subsidies), and if they’re in a state that has refused to expand Medicaid eligibility under the ACA, they may not be eligible for Medicaid either. That leaves them in a situation in which they’re living in poverty but also ineligible for financial assistance with their health insurance.

To clarify, this is currently only a problem in 13 states, and it’s entirely caused by those states’ decision cheap levitra for sale to not expand Medicaid. The ACA did not create any sort of coverage gap. It was purposely designed to ensure that there would be no coverage gaps for low-income Americans, even for recent immigrants (as long as they’re lawfully present in the US).Now, for the details:When the Affordable Care Act was written, a cornerstone of the legislation was the expansion of Medicaid to everyone with household incomes up to 138 percent of federal poverty level, (FPL).Technically the law expands Medicaid to 133 percent of FPL (states can also opt to set a higher threshold), but the legislation includes an income calculation methodology that disregards the top five percentage points, so a household can have an income of up to 138 percent of FPL and still qualify for expanded Medicaid, since the 5 percent disregard brings their income down to 133 percent of FPL.Originally, the law required states to expand Medicaid in order to continue to receive federal Medicaid funding.

But very little of cheap levitra for sale the total burden was placed on the states. The federal government paid the full cost of Medicaid expansion for the first three years (2014 through 2016), and then the states began to pay a small portion, ramping up to 10 percent by 2020 and remaining at that level going forward. The federal government cheap levitra for sale will always pay at least 90 percent of the cost of covering the newly eligible population, assuming the ACA remains in place.Expansion is optional, and some states continue to say noBut in 2012, the Supreme Court, while upholding the rest of the ACA, struck down the Medicaid expansion requirement, leaving it up to each state to decide whether or not to participate.

As of late 2020, 36 states plus the District of Columbia had expanded Medicaid.There are still 14 states where Medicaid eligibility has not been expanded under the ACA, although Wisconsin has a unique situation and does not have a coverage gap (Wisconsin essentially implemented a partial Medicaid expansion — without the enhanced federal funding they’d receive if they fully expanded Medicaid). So there is still a coverage gap in 13 cheap levitra for sale states. Alabama, Florida, Georgia, Kansas, Mississippi, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota, Tennessee, Texas, and Wyoming.But Medicaid expansion continues to slowly spread across the remaining states, as we knew it would.

Voters in Oklahoma and Missouri approved Medicaid expansion ballot measures in 2020, so Medicaid expansion will take effect in both states as of mid-2021, eliminating their coverage gaps cheap levitra for sale (Nebraska‘s coverage gap was eliminated in October 2020, when Medicaid expansion took effect there).And Georgia will partially expand Medicaid as of mid-2021. Georgia’s partial expansion will only apply to people with income up to the poverty level. In theory, this will eliminate the coverage gap.

But Georgia also plans to implement a cheap levitra for sale Medicaid work requirement, which will reduce the number of people who are eligible for coverage.Medicaid eligibility varies depending on where you liveIn Washington, D.C. And the 36 states where Medicaid eligibility has been expanded, adults up to the age of 64 (who meet the immigration status requirements) are eligible for Medicaid with a household income up to 138 percent of FPL are eligible for Medicaid.But in the states that have not expanded Medicaid, eligibility is still based on pre-ACA guidelines. In most cases, that cheap levitra for sale means Medicaid is only available to people with disabilities, low-income children and pregnant women, and extremely low-income parents.

In Alabama, for example, Medicaid is available for parents with a household income of up to 18 percent of FPL (13 percent plus the 5 percent income disregard). For a family cheap levitra for sale of three, that’s $3,909 in annual income in where is better to buy levitra 2020. If the family’s income exceeds that amount, the parents would not qualify for Medicaid.And Medicaid is generally not available at all to childless adults in states not expanding Medicaid, regardless of how low their income is.

(This chart has cheap levitra for sale income limits for Medicaid in each state, and contact information for each state’s Medicaid Department is available here.)The coverage gap. No realistic access to health insuranceThe “coverage gap” exists because the ACA’s premium tax credits (premium subsidies) are only available for people with a household income of at least 100 percent of FPL, up to 400 percent of FPL. The subsidies are not available below 100 percent of FPL, because when the ACA was written, Medicaid expansion was an integral part of the law.

It was cheap levitra for sale assumed that subsidies would not be needed below 100 percent of FPL, since Medicaid would be available instead.So in states that are not expanding Medicaid, virtually all non-disabled childless adults with incomes below 100 percent of FPL, as well as a large number of parents with incomes below 100 percent of FPL, are not eligible for any financial assistance to help them afford health insurance. Premium subsidies are not available to them through the exchange/marketplace, and they don’t qualify for Medicaid unless they meet the stringent existing guidelines.According to Kaiser Family Foundation data, there are about 2.3 million people in the coverage gap across the 13 states where the coverage gap still exists. About 208,000 of those people are in Missouri and Oklahoma, where there will no longer be a coverage gap as of mid-2021.The majority of the people in the coverage gap are in Texas, North Carolina, Florida, and Georgia cheap levitra for sale — more than 1.6 million of the people in the coverage gap are in those four states.

As noted above, Georgia plans to partially expand Medicaid in mid-2021, but the planned work requirement and its documentation/reporting requirements will prevent the coverage gap from closing altogether.Households with incomes below 100 percent of FPL generally cannot afford to pay full price for health insurance. In most cheap levitra for sale cases, they will remain uninsured, simply because they have no other alternatives. Unfortunately, this disproportionately impacts people of color, particularly in the southern United States where almost all of the states have maintained their pre-ACA Medicaid eligibility guidelines.Possible solutions if you’re in the coverage gapIf you’re in the coverage gap, Medicaid isn’t available, and ACA-compliant coverage can only be purchased at full price – generally an unrealistic option, given that everyone in the coverage gap has an income below the poverty level.

There are a few possible solutions, not all of which are adequate or realistic:For coverageYou could move to a state that has expanded Medicaid, but that may be easier said than done for people with low-wage jobs, few assets, and few prospects elsewhere.You could increase your cheap levitra for sale income to at least the federal poverty level (FPL), in order to obtain subsidized health coverage (if that happens mid-year, you’ll qualify for a special enrollment period during which you can enroll in a subsidized plan). Again, this is easier said than done depending on one’s circumstances. Navigators have been invaluable in helping poor people tally up income from varied sources in order to get their total income up to the poverty level, where subsidies become available.You can purchase a non-ACA compliant plan, which includes things like short-term health insurance, accident supplements, critical illness coverage, discount plans, direct primary care plans, or health care sharing ministry plans.

Although in most cases – with the exception of cheap levitra for sale short-term insurance and health care sharing ministries – these were never intended to be stand-alone coverage, and some are not regulated by state insurance departments or subject to state/federal insurance laws.For careFree clinics and federally funded community health centers provide a wide range of preventive and primary care services for people in the coverage gap. More than a million low-income, uninsured Americans rely on community health centers that offer care on a sliding fee scale. And the ACA cheap levitra for sale provided funding to increase the number of community health centers across the country.

For many in the coverage gap, a community health center is their only realistic access to care, although treatment is limited to primary care.You can rely on EMTALA for emergency situations. Emergency departments cheap levitra for sale cannot turn patients away due to inability to pay. However, emergency departments are only required to stabilize patients.

There’s no provision for ongoing treatment under EMTALA.Louise Norris is an individual cheap levitra for sale health insurance broker who has been writing about health insurance and health reform since 2006. She has written dozens of opinions and educational pieces about the Affordable Care Act for healthinsurance.org. Her state health exchange updates are regularly cited by media who cover health reform and by other health insurance experts..

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A scientist has captured a video showing sharks swimming through huge schools of fish off the New York cheap levitra no prescription coast.Chris Paparo, who runs the "Fish Guy Photos" YouTube channel, wrote in his channel's description that he is a "wildlife photographer, writer and lecturer," who manages the Marine Sciences Center on Long Island at the Southampton campus of Stony Brook University.The video was captured on Saturday, July 24. Paparo said the sharks were swimming off the coast of Southampton to cheap levitra no prescription feed on schools of Atlantic Menhaden.Recent shark sightings at Jones Beach and Atlantic Beach in Hempstead have prompted temporary closures. Check out the video cheap levitra no prescription here. Click here to sign up for Daily Voice's free daily emails and news alerts.Police have identified the woman killed in a single-vehicle crash in Westchester County over the weekend.Sonia Philpotts, age 54, from the Bronx, was the passenger who cheap levitra no prescription died in the crash that happened in Yonkers at about 11:50 p.m.

On Saturday, July 31, according to Westchester County Police.Police previously reported that a driver was going west on the Cross County Parkway when the vehicle went to get cheap levitra no prescription on the southbound Saw Mill River Parkway. The driver lost control of the vehicle while going around a curve to get on the Saw Mill Parkway.There were a total of five people in the vehicle, which police said was a 2001 GMC Savannah.Several other people in the vehicle suffered non-life-threatening injuries in the crash.Authorities said the cause of the crash cheap levitra no prescription is still under investigation. Click here to sign up for Daily Voice's free daily emails and news alerts..

A scientist has captured a video showing sharks swimming through huge schools of fish off the New York coast.Chris Paparo, cheap levitra for sale who runs the "Fish Guy Photos" YouTube channel, wrote in his channel's description that Cialis costo 5mg he is a "wildlife photographer, writer and lecturer," who manages the Marine Sciences Center on Long Island at the Southampton campus of Stony Brook University.The video was captured on Saturday, July 24. Paparo said the sharks were swimming off the coast of Southampton to feed on schools of Atlantic Menhaden.Recent shark sightings at Jones cheap levitra for sale Beach and Atlantic Beach in Hempstead have prompted temporary closures. Check out cheap levitra for sale the video here. Click here to sign up for Daily Voice's free daily emails and news alerts.Police have identified the woman killed in a single-vehicle crash in Westchester County over the weekend.Sonia Philpotts, age 54, from cheap levitra for sale the Bronx, was the passenger who died in the crash that happened in Yonkers at about 11:50 p.m. On Saturday, July 31, according to Westchester County Police.Police previously reported that a driver was going west cheap levitra for sale on the Cross County Parkway when the vehicle went to get on the southbound Saw Mill River Parkway.

The driver lost control cheap levitra for sale of the vehicle while going around a curve to get on the Saw Mill Parkway.There were a total of five people in the vehicle, which police said was a 2001 GMC Savannah.Several other people in the vehicle suffered non-life-threatening injuries in the crash.Authorities said the cause of the crash is still under investigation. Click here to sign up for Daily Voice's free daily emails and news alerts..

Levitra kaufen 10mg

IntroductionLa Peste (Camus 1947) has served as a basis for several critical works, including some levitra kaufen 10mg in the field of medical humanities buy levitra canada online (Bozzaro 2018. Deudon 1988. Tuffuor and Payne 2017) levitra kaufen 10mg. Frequently interpreted as an allegory of Nazism (with the plague as a symbol of the German occupation of France) (Finel-Honigman 1978.

Haroutunian 1964), it has also received philosophical readings beyond the sociopolitical context in which it was written (Lengers 1994). Other scholars, on the other hand, levitra kaufen 10mg have centred their analyses on its literary aspects (Steel 2016).The erectile dysfunction treatment levitra has increased general interest about historical and fictional epidemics. La Peste, as one of the most famous literary works about this topic, has been revisited by many readers during recent months, leading to an unexpected growth in sales in certain countries (Wilsher 2020. Zaretsky 2020).

Apart from that, commentaries about the novel, especially among health levitra kaufen 10mg sciences scholars, have emerged with a renewed interest (Banerjee et al. 2020. Bate 2020. Vandekerckhove 2020 levitra kaufen 10mg.

Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020). This sudden curiosity is easy to understand if we consider both La Peste’s literary value, and people’s desire to discover real or fictional situations similar to theirs. Indeed, Oran inhabitants’ experiences are not quite far from our own, even if geographical, levitra kaufen 10mg chronological and, specially, scientific factors (two different diseases occurring at two different stages in the history of medical development) prevent us from establishing too close resemblances between both situations.Furthermore, it will not be strange if erectile dysfunction treatment serves as a frame for fictional works in the near future. Other narrative plays were based on historical epidemics, such as Daniel Defoe’s A Journal of the Plague Year or Giovanni Boccaccio’s Decameron (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020.

Withington 2020). The biggest levitra in the last century, the so-called ‘Spanish Influenza’, has been described as not very fruitful in this sense, even if it produced famous novels such as Katherine A levitra kaufen 10mg Porter’s Pale Horse, Pale Rider or John O’Hara’s The Doctor Son (Honigsbaum 2018. Hovanec 2011). The overlapping with another disaster like World War I has been argued as one of the reasons explaining this scarce production of fictional works (Honigsbaum 2018).

By contrast, we may think that erectile dysfunction treatment is having a global impact hardly overshadowed by other events, and that it will leave a significant mark on the collective memory.Drawing on the reading of La Peste, we point out in this essay different aspects of living under levitra kaufen 10mg an epidemic that can be identified both in Camus’s work and in our current situation. We propose a trip throughout the novel, from its early beginning in Part I, when the Oranians are not aware of the threat to come, to its end in Part V, when they are relieved of the epidemic after several months of ravaging disasters.We think this journey along La Peste may be interesting both to health professionals and to the lay person, since all of them will be able to see themselves reflected in the characters from the novel. We do not skip critique of some aspects related to the authorities’ management of erectile dysfunction treatment, as Camus does concerning Oran’s rulers. However, what we want to foreground is La Peste’s intrinsic value, its suitability to be read now and after erectile dysfunction treatment has passed, when Camus’s novel endures as a solid art work and erectile dysfunction treatment remains only as a defeated plight.MethodsWe confronted our own experiences about erectile dysfunction treatment with levitra kaufen 10mg a conventional reading of La Peste.

A first reading of the novel was used to establish associations between those aspects which more saliently reminded us of erectile dysfunction treatment. In a second reading, we searched for some examples to illustrate those aspects and tried to detect new associations. Subsequent readings of certain parts were done to integrate the levitra kaufen 10mg information collected. Neither specific methods of literary analysis, nor systematic searches in the novel were applied.

Selected paragraphs and ideas from Part I to Part V were prepared in a draft copy, and this manuscript was written afterwards.Part ISome phrases in the novel could be transposed word by word to our situation. This one pertaining to its levitra kaufen 10mg start, for instance, may make us remember the first months of 2020:By now, it will be easy to accept that nothing could lead the people of our town to expect the events that took place in the spring of that year and which, as we later understood, were like the forerunners of the series of grave happenings that this history intends to describe. (Camus 2002, Part I)By referring from the beginning to ‘the people of our town’, Camus is already suggesting an idea which is repeated all along the novel, and which may be well understood by us as erectile dysfunction treatment’s witnesses. Epidemics affect the community as a whole, they are present in everybody’s mind and their joys and sorrows are not individual, but collective.

For example (and we are levitra kaufen 10mg anticipating Part II), the narrator says:But, once the gates were closed, they all noticed that they were in the same boat, including the narrator himself, and that they had to adjust to the fact. (Camus 2002, Part II)Later, he will insist in this opposition between the concepts of ‘individual’, which used to prevail before the epidemic, and ‘collective’:One might say that the first effect of this sudden and brutal attack of the disease was to force the citizens of our town to act as though they had no individual feelings. (Camus 2002, Part II)There were no longer any individual destinies, but a collective history that was the plague, and feelings shared by all. (Camus 2002, Part III)This distinction is not trivial, since the story will display a strong confrontation between those who get involved and levitra kaufen 10mg help their neighbours and those who remain behaving selfishly.

Related to this, Claudia Bozzaro has pointed out that the main topic in La Peste is solidarity and auistic love (Bozzaro 2018). We may add that the disease is so attached to people’s lives that the epidemic becomes the new everyday life:In the morning, they would return to the pestilence, that is to say, to routine. (Camus 2002, Part III)Being collective levitra kaufen 10mg issues does not mean that epidemics always enhance auism and solidarity. As said by Wigand et al, they frequently produce ambivalent reactions, and one of them is the opposition between auism and maximised profit (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020).

Therefore, the dichotomy between individualism and collectivism, a central point in the characterisation of national cultures (Hofstede 2015), could play a role in epidemics. In fact, concerning erectile dysfunction treatment, some authors levitra kaufen 10mg have described a greater impact of the levitra in those countries with higher levels of individualism (Maaravi et al. 2021. Ozkan et al.

2021). However, this finding should be complemented with other national cultures’ aspects before concluding that collectivism itself exerts a protective role against epidemics. Concerning this, it has been shown how ‘power distance’ frequently intersects with collectivism, being only a few countries in which the last one coexists with a small distance to power, namely with a capacity to disobey the power authority (Gupta, Shoja, and Mikalef 2021). Moreover, those countries classically classified as ‘collectivist’ (China, Japan, South Korea, India, Vietnam, etc.) are also characterised by high levels of power distance, and their citizens have been quite often forced to adhere to erectile dysfunction treatment restrictions and punished if not (Gupta, Shoja, and Mikalef 2021).

Thus, it is important to consider that individualism is not always opposed to ‘look after each other’ (Ozkan et al. 2021, 9). For instance, the European region, seen as a whole as highly ‘individualistic’, holds some of the most advanced welfare protection systems worldwide. It is worth considering too that collectivism may hide sometimes a hard institutional authority or a lack in civil freedoms.Coming back to La Peste, we may think that Camus’s Oranians are not particularly ‘collectivist’.

Their initial description highlights that they are mainly interested in their own businesses and affairs:Our fellow-citizens work a good deal, but always in order to make money. They are especially interested in trade and first of all, as they say, they are engaged in doing business. (Camus 2002, Part I)And later, we see some of them trying selfishly to leave the city by illegal methods. By contrast, we observe in the novel some examples of more ‘collectivistic’ attitudes, such as the discipline of those quarantined at the football pitch, and, over all, the main characters’ behaviour, which is generally driven by auism and common goals.Turning to another topic, the plague in Oran and erectile dysfunction treatment are similar regarding their animal origin.

This is not rare since many infectious diseases pass to humans through contact with animal vectors, being rodents, especially rats (through rat fleas), the most common carriers of plague bacteria (CDC. N.d.a, ECDC. N.d, Pollitzer 1954). Concerning erectile dysfunction, even if further research about its origin is needed, the most recent investigations conducted in China by the WHO establish a zoonotic transmission as the most probable pathway (Joint WHO-China Study Team 2021).

In Camus’s novel, the animal’s link to the epidemic seemed very clear since the beginning:Things got to the point where Infodoc (the agency for information and documentation, ‘ all you need to know on any subject’) announced in its free radio news programme that 6,231 rats had been collected and burned in a single day, the 25th. This figure, which gave a clear meaning to the daily spectacle that everyone in town had in front of their eyes, disconcerted them even more. (Camus 2002, Part I)This accuracy in figures is familiar to us. People nowadays have become very used to the statistical aspects of the levitra, due to the continuous updates in epidemiological parameters launched by the media and the authorities.

Camus was aware about the relevance of figures in epidemics, which always entail:…required registration and statistical tasks. (Camus 2002, Part II)Because of this, the novel is scattered with numbers, most of them concerning the daily death toll, but others mentioning the number of rats picked up, as we have seen, or combining the number of deaths with the time passed since the start of the epidemic:“ Will there be an autumn of plague?. Professor B answers. €˜ No’ ”, “ One hundred and twenty-four dead.

The total for the ninety-fourth day of the plague.” (Camus 2002, Part II)We permit ourselves to introduce here a list of recurring topics in La Peste, since the salience of statistical information is one of them. These topics, some of which will be treated later, appear several times in the novel, in various contexts and stages in the evolution of the epidemic. We synthesise them in Table 1, coupled with a erectile dysfunction treatment parallel example extracted from online press. This ease to find a current example for each topic suggests that they are not exclusive of plague or of Camus’s mindset, but shared by most epidemics.View this table:Table 1 Recurring topics in La Peste.

Each topic is accompanied by two examples from the novel and one concerning erectile dysfunction treatment, extracted from online press.Talking about journalism and the media (one of the topics above), we might say that erectile dysfunction treatment’s coverage is frequently too optimistic when managing good news and too alarming when approaching the bad. Media’s ‘exaggerated’ approach to health issues is not new. It was already a concern for medical journals’ editors a century ago (Reiling 2013) and it continues to be it for these professionals in recent times (Barbour et al. 2008).

It is well known that media tries to attract spectators’ attention by making the news more appealing. However, they deal with the risk of expanding unreliable information, which may be pernicious for the public opinion. Related to the intention of ‘garnishing’ the news, Aslam et al. (2020) have described that 82% of more than 100 000 pieces of information about erectile dysfunction treatment appearing in media from different countries carried an emotional, either negative (52%) or positive (30%) component, with only 18% of them considered as ‘neutral’ (Aslam et al.

2020). Some evidence about this tendency to make news more emotional was described in former epidemics. For instance, a study conducted in Singapore in 2009 during the H1N1 crisis showed how press releases by the Ministry of Health were substantially transformed when passed to the media, by increasing their emotional appeal and by changing their dominant frame or their tone (Lee and Basnyat 2013). In La Peste, this superficial way of managing information by the media is also observed:The newspapers followed the order that they had been given, to be optimistic at any cost.

(Camus 2002, Part IV)At the first stages of the epidemic in Oran, journalists proclaim the end of the dead rats’ invasion as something to be celebrated. Dr Rieux, the character through which Camus symbolises caution (and comparable nowadays to trustful scientists, well-informed journalists or sensible authorities), exposes then his own angle, quite far from suggesting optimism:The vendors of the evening papers were shouting that the invasion of rats had ended. But Rieux found his patient lying half out of bed, one hand on his belly and the other around his neck, convulsively vomiting reddish bile into a rubbish bin. (Camus 2002, Part I)Camus, who worked as a journalist for many years, insists afterwards on this cursory interest that some media devote to the epidemic, more eager to grab the noise than the relevant issues beneath it:The press, which had had so much to say about the business of the rats, fell silent.

This is because rats die in the street and people in their bedrooms. And newspapers are only concerned with the street. (Camus 2002, Part I)By then, Oranians continue rejecting the epidemic as an actual threat, completely immersed in that phase that dominates the beginning of all epidemics and is characterised by ‘denial and disbelief’ (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020, 443):A pestilence does not have human dimensions, so people tell themselves that it is unreal, that it is a bad dream which will end. […] The people of our town were no more guilty than anyone else, they merely forgot to be modest and thought that everything was still possible for them, which implied that pestilence was impossible.

They continued with business, with making arrangements for travel and holding opinions. Why should they have thought about the plague, which negates the future, negates journeys and debate?. They considered themselves free and no one will ever be free as long as there is plague, pestilence and famine. (Camus 2002, Part I)Probably to avoid citizens' disapproval, among other reasons, the Oranian Prefecture (health authority in Camus' novel) does not want to go too far when judging the relevance of the epidemic.

While not directly exposed, we can guess in this fragment the tone of the Prefect’s message, his intention to convey confidence despite his own doubts:These cases were not specific enough to be really disturbing and there was no doubt that the population would remain calm. None the less, for reasons of caution which everyone could understand, the Prefect was taking some preventive measures. If they were interpreted and applied in the proper way, these measures were such that they would put a definite stop to any threat of epidemic. As a result, the Prefect did not for a moment doubt that the citizens under his charge would co-operate in the most zealous manner with what he was doing.

(Camus 2002, Part I)The relevant role acquired by health authorities during epidemics is another topic listed in our table. Language use, on the other hand, is an issue linkable both with the media topic and with this one. As in La Peste, during erectile dysfunction treatment we have seen some public figures using words not always truthfully, carrying out a careful selection of words that serves to the goal of conveying certain interests in each moment. Dr Rieux refers in Part I to this language manipulation by the authorities:The measures that had been taken were insufficient, that was quite clear.

As for the ‘ specially equipped wards’, he knew what they were. Two outbuildings hastily cleared of other patients, their windows sealed up and the whole surrounded by a cordon sanitaire. (Camus 2002, Part I)He illustrates the need of frankness, the preference for clarity in language, which is often the clarity in thinking:No. I phoned Richard to say we needed comprehensive measures, not fine words, and that either we must set up a real barrier to the epidemic, or nothing at all.

(Camus 2002, Part I)At the end of this part, his fears about the inadequacy of not taking strict measures are confirmed. Oranian hospitals become overwhelmed, as they are now in many places worldwide due to erectile dysfunction treatment.Part IILeft behind the phases of ‘denial and disbelief’ and of ‘fear and panic’, it appears among the Oranians the ‘acceptance paired with resignation’ (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020, 443):Then we knew that our separation was going to last, and that we ought to try to come to terms with time. […] In particular, all of the people in our town very soon gave up, even in public, whatever habit they may have acquired of estimating the length of their separation. (Camus 2002, Part II)In erectile dysfunction treatment as well, even if border closure has not been so immovable as in Oran, many people have seen themselves separated from their loved ones and some of them have not yet had the possibility of reunion.

This is why, in the actual levitra, the idea of temporal horizons has emerged like it appeared in Camus’s epidemic. In Spain, the general lockdown in March and April 2020 made people establish the summer as their temporal horizon, a time in which they could resume their former habits and see their relatives again. This became partially true, and people were allowed in summer to travel inside the country and to some other countries nearby. However, there existed some reluctance to visit ill or aged relatives, due to the fear of infecting them, and some families living in distant countries were not able to get together.

Moreover, autumn brought an increase in the number of cases (‘the second wave’) and countries returned to limit their internal and external movements.Bringing all this together, many people nowadays have opted to discard temporal horizons. As Oranians, they have noted that the epidemic follows its own rhythm and it is useless to fight against it. Nonetheless, it is in human nature not to resign, so abandoning temporal horizons does not mean to give up longing for the recovery of normal life. This vision, neither maintaining vain hopes nor resigning, is in line with Camus’s philosophy, an author who wrote that ‘hope, contrary to what it is usually thought, is the same to resignation.’ (Camus 1939, 83.

Cited by Haroutunian 1964, 312 (translation is ours)), and that ‘there is not love to human life but with despair about human life.’ (Camus 1958, 112–5. Cited by Haroutunian 1964, 312–3 (translation is ours)).People nowadays deal with resignation relying on daily life pleasures (being not allowed to make further plans or trips) and in company from the nearest ones (as they cannot gather with relatives living far away). Second, they observe the beginning of vaccination campaigns as a first step of the final stage, and summer 2021, reflecting what happened with summer 2020, has been fixed as a temporal horizon. This preference for summers has an unavoidable metaphorical nuance, and their linking to joy, long trips and life in the streets may be the reason for which we choose them to be opposed to the lockdown and restrictions of the levitra.We alluded previously to the manipulation of language, and figures, as relevant as they are, they are not free from manipulation either.

Tarrou, a close friend to Dr Rieux, points out in this part of the novel how this occurred:Once more, Tarrou was the person who gave the most accurate picture of our life as it was then. Naturally he was following the course of the plague in general, accurately observing that a turning point in the epidemic was marked by the radio no longer announcing some hundreds of deaths per week, but 92, 107 and 120 deaths a day. €˜The newspapers and the authorities are engaged in a battle of wits with the plague. They think that they are scoring points against it, because 130 is a lower figure than 910.’ (Camus 2002, Part II)Tarrou collaborates with the health teams formed to tackle the plague.

Regarding these volunteers and workers, Camus refuses to consider them as heroes, as many essential workers during erectile dysfunction treatment have rejected to be named as that. The writer thinks their actions are the natural behaviour of good people, not heroism but ‘a logical consequence’:The whole question was to prevent the largest possible number of people from dying and suffering a definitive separation. There was only one way to do this, which was to fight the plague. There was nothing admirable about this truth, it simply followed as a logical consequence.

(Camus 2002, Part II)We consider suitable to talk here about two issues which represent, nowadays, a great part of erectile dysfunction treatment fears and hopes, respectively. New genetic variants and treatments. Medical achievements are another recurrent issue included in table 1, and we write about them here because it is in Part II where Camus writes for the first time about treatments, and where it insists on an idea aforementioned in Part I. That the plague bacillus affecting Oran is different from previous variants:…the microbe differed very slightly from the bacillus of plague as traditionally defined.

(Camus 2002, Part II)Related to erectile dysfunction treatment new variants, they represent a challenge because of two main reasons. Their higher transmissibility and/or severity and their higher propensity to skip the effect of natural or treatment-induced immunity. Public health professionals are determining which is the actual threat of all the new variants discovered, such as those first characterised in the UK (Public Health England 2020), South Africa (Tegally et al. 2021) or Brazil (Fujino et al.

2021). In La Peste, Dr Rieux is always suspecting that the current bacteria they are dealing with is different from the one in previous epidemics of plague. Since several genetic variations for the bacillus Yersinia pestis have been characterised (Cui et al. 2012), it could be possible that the epidemic in Oran originated from a new one.

However, we should not forget that we are analysing a literary work, and that scientific accuracy is not a necessary goal in it. In fact, Rieux’s reluctances have to do more with clinical aspects than with microbiological ones. He doubts since the beginning, relying exclusively on the symptoms observed, and continues doing it after the laboratory analysis:I was able to have an analysis made in which the laboratory thinks it can detect the plague bacillus. However, to be precise, we must say that certain specific modifications of the microbe do not coincide with the classic description of plague.

(Camus 2002, Part II)Camus is consistent with this idea and many times he mentions the bacillus to highlight its oddity. Insisting on the literary condition of the work, and among other possible explanations, he is maybe declaring that that in the novel is not a common (biological, natural) bacteria, but the Nazism bacteria.Turning to treatments, they constitute the principal resource that the global community has to defeat the erectile dysfunction treatment levitra. Vaccination campaigns have started all over the world, and three types of erectile dysfunction treatments are being applied in the European Union, after their respective statements of efficacy and security (Baden et al. 2021 levitra online shop.

Polack et al. 2020. Voysey et al. 2021), while a fourth treatment has just recently been approved (EMA 2021a).

Although some concerns regarding the safety of two of these treatments have been raised recently (EMA 2021b. EMA 2021c), vaccination plans are going ahead, being adapted according to the state of knowledge at each moment. Some of these treatments are mRNA-based (Baden et al. 2021.

Polack et al. 2020), while others use a viral vector (Bos et al. 2020. Voysey et al.

2021). They are mainly two-shot treatments, with one exception (Bos et al. 2020), and complete immunity is thought to be acquired 2 weeks after the last shot (CDC. N.d.b, Voysey et al.

2021). Other countries such as China or Russia, on the other hand, were extremely early in starting their vaccination campaigns, and are distributing among their citizens different treatments than the aforementioned (Logunov et al. 2021. Zhang et al.

2021).Even if at least three types of plague treatments had been created by the time the novel takes place (Sun 2016), treatments do not play an important role in La Peste, in which therapeutic measures (the serum) are more important than prophylactic ones. Few times in the novel the narrator refers to prophylactic inoculations:There was still no possibility of vaccinating with preventive serum except in families already affected by the disease. (Camus 2002, Part II)Deudon has pointed out that Camus mixes up therapeutic serum and treatment (Deudon 1988), and in fact there exists a certain amount of confusion. All along the novel, the narrator focuses on the prophylactic goals of the serum, which is applied to people already infected (Othon’s son, Tarrou, Grand…).

However, both in the example above (which can be understood as vaccinating household contacts or already affected individuals) and in others, the differences between treating and vaccinating are not clear:After the morning admissions which he was in charge of himself, the patients were vaccinated and the swellings lanced. (Camus 2002, Part II)In any case, this is another situation in which Camus stands aside from scientific matters, which are to him less relevant in his novel than philosophical or literary ones. The distance existing between the relevance of treatments in erectile dysfunction treatment and the superficial manner with which Camus treats the topic in La Peste exemplifies this.Part IIIIn part III, the plague’s ravages become tougher. The narrator turns his focus to burials and their disturbance, a frequent topic in epidemics’ narrative (table 1).

Camus knew how acutely increasing demands and hygienic requirements affect funeral habits during epidemics:Everything really happened with the greatest speed and the minimum of risk. (Camus 2002, Part III)Like many other processes during epidemics, the burial process becomes a protocol. When protocolised, everything seems to work well and rapidly. But this perfect mechanism is the Prefecture’s goal, not Rieux’s.

He reveals in this moment an aspect in his character barely shown before. Irony.The whole thing was well organized and the Prefect expressed his satisfaction. He even told Rieux that, when all was said and done, this was preferable to hearses driven by black slaves which one read about in the chronicles of earlier plagues. €˜ Yes,’ Rieux said.

€˜ The burial is the same, but we keep a card index. No one can deny that we have made progress.’ (Camus 2002, Part III)Even if this characteristic may seem new in Dr Rieux, we must bear in mind that he is the story narrator, and the narration is ironic from time to time. For instance, speaking precisely about the burials:The relatives were invited to sign a register –which just showed the difference that there may be between men and, for example, dogs. You can keep check of human beings-.

(Camus 2002, Part III)In Camus’s philosophy, the absurd is a core issue. According to Lengers, Rieux is ironic because he is a kind of Sisyphus who has understood the absurdity of plague (Lengers 1994). The response to the absurd is to rebel (Camus 2013), and Rieux does it by helping his fellow humans without questioning anything. He does not pursue any other goal than doing his duty, thus humour (as a response to dire situations) stands out from him when he observes others celebrating irrelevant achievements, such as the Prefect with his burial protocol.

In the field of medical ethics, Lengers has highlighted the importance of Camus’s perspective when considering ‘the immediacy of life rather than abstract values’ (Lengers 1994, 250). Rieux himself is quite sure that his solid commitment is not ‘abstract’, and, even if he falls into abstraction, the importance relies on protecting human lives and not in the name given to that task:Was it truly an abstraction, spending his days in the hospital where the plague was working overtime, bringing the number of victims up to five hundred on average per week?. Yes, there was an element of abstraction and unreality in misfortune. But when an abstraction starts to kill you, you have to get to work on it.

(Camus 2002, Part II)Farewells during erectile dysfunction treatment may have not been particularly pleasant for some families. Neither those dying at nursing homes nor in hospitals could be accompanied by their families as previously, due to corpses management protocols, restrictions of external visitors and hygienic measures in general. However, as weeks passed by, certain efforts were made to ease this issue, allowing people to visit their dying beloved sticking to strict preventive measures. On the other hand, the number of people attending funeral masses and cemeteries was also limited, which affected the conventional development of ceremonies as well.

Hospitals had to deal with daily tolls of deaths never seen before, and the overcrowding of mortuaries made us see rows of coffins placed in unusual spaces, such as ice rinks (transformation of facilities is another topic in table 1).We turn now to two other points which erectile dysfunction treatment has not evaded. s among essential workers and epidemics’ economic consequences. The author links burials with s among essential workers because gravediggers constitute one of the most affected professions, and connects this fact with the economic recession because unemployment is behind the large availability of workers to replace the dead gravediggers:Many of the male nurses and the gravediggers, who were at first official, then casual, died of the plague. […] The most surprising thing was that there was never a shortage of men to do the job, for as long as the epidemic lasted.

[…] When the plague really took hold of the town, its very immoderation had one quite convenient outcome, because it disrupted the whole of economic life and so created quite a large number of unemployed. […] Poverty always triumphed over fear, to the extent that work was always paid according to the risk involved. (Camus 2002, Part III)The effects of the plague over the economic system are one of our recurrent topics (table 1). The plague in Oran, as it forces to close the city, impacts all trading exchanges.

In addition, it forbids travellers from arriving to the city, with the economic influence that that entails:This plague was the ruination of tourism. (Camus 2002, Part II)Oranians, who, as we saw, were very worried about making money, are especially affected by an event which jeopardises it. In erectile dysfunction treatment, for one reason or for another, most of the countries are suffering economic consequences, since the impact on normal life from the epidemic (another recurrent topic) means also an impact on the normal development of trading activities.Part IVIn Part IV we witness the first signals of a stabilisation of the epidemic:It seemed that the plague had settled comfortably into its peak and was carrying out its daily murders with the precision and regularity of a good civil servant. In theory, in the opinion of experts, this was a good sign.

The graph of the progress of the plague, starting with its constant rise, followed by this long plateau, seemed quite reassuring. (Camus 2002, Part IV)At this time, we consider interesting to expand the topic about the transformation of facilities. We mentioned the case of ice rinks during erectile dysfunction treatment, and we bring up now the use of a football pitch as a quarantine camp in Camus’s novel, a scene which has reminded some scholars of the metaphor of Nazism and concentration camps (Finel-Honigman 1978). In Spain, among other measures, a fairground was enabled as a field hospital during the first wave, and it is plausible that many devices created with other purposes were used in tasks attached to healthcare provision during those weeks, as occurred in Oran’s pitch with the loudspeakers:Then the loudspeakers, which in better times had served to introduce the teams or to declare the results of games, announced in a tinny voice that the internees should go back to their tents so that the evening meal could be distributed.

(Camus 2002, Part IV)Related to this episode, we can also highlight the opposition between science and humanism that Camus does. The author alerts us about the dangers of a dehumanised science, of choosing procedures perfectly efficient regardless of their lack in human dignity:The men held out their hands, two ladles were plunged into two of the pots and emerged to unload their contents onto two tin plates. The car drove on and the process was repeated at the next tent.‘ It’s scientific,’ Tarrou told the administrator.‘ Yes,’ he replied with satisfaction, as they shook hands. €˜ It’s scientific.’ (Camus 2002, Part IV)Several cases with favourable outcomes mark Part IV final moments and prepare the reader for the end of the epidemic.

To describe these signs of recovering, the narrator turns back to two elements with a main role in the novel. Rats and figures. In this moment, the first ones reappear and the second ones seem to be declining:He had seen two live rats come into his house through the street door. Neighbours had informed him that the creatures were also reappearing in their houses.

Behind the walls of other houses there was a hustle and bustle that had not been heard for months. Rieux waited for the general statistics to be published, as they were at the start of each week. They showed a decline in the disease. (Camus 2002, Part IV)Part VGiven that we continue facing erectile dysfunction treatment, and that forecasts about its end are not easy, we cannot compare ourselves with the Oranians once they have reached the end of the epidemic, what occurs in this part.

However, we can analyse our current situation, characterised by a widespread, though cautious, confidence motivated by the beginning of vaccination campaigns, referring it to the events narrated in Part V.Even more than the Oranians, since we feel further than them from the end of the problem, we are cautious about not to anticipate celebrations. From time to time, however, we lend ourselves to dream relying on what the narrator calls ‘a great, unadmitted hope’. erectile dysfunction treatment took us by surprise and everyone wants to ‘reorganise’ their life, as Oranians do, but patience is an indispensable component to succeed, as fictional and historical epidemics show us.Although this sudden decline in the disease was unexpected, the towns-people were in no hurry to celebrate. The preceding months, though they had increased the desire for liberation, had also taught them prudence and accustomed them to count less and less on a rapid end to the epidemic.

However, this new development was the subject of every conversation and, in the depths of people’s hearts, there was a great, unadmitted hope. […] One of the signs that a return to a time of good health was secretly expected (though no one admitted the fact) was that from this moment on people readily spoke, with apparent indifference, about how life would be reorganized after the plague. (Camus 2002, Part V)We put our hope on vaccination. Social distancing and other hygienic measures have proved to be effective, but treatments would bring us a more durable solution without compromising so hardly many economic activities and social habits.

As we said, a more important role of scientific aspects is observed in erectile dysfunction treatment if compared with La Peste (an expected fact if considered that Camus’s story is an artistic work, that he skips sometimes the most complex scientific issues of the plague and that health sciences have evolved substantially during last decades). Oranians, in fact, achieve the end of the epidemic not through clearly identified scientific responses but with certain randomness:All one could do was to observe that the sickness seemed to be going as it had arrived. The strategy being used against it had not changed. It had been ineffective yesterday, and now it was apparently successful.

One merely had the feeling that the disease had exhausted itself, or perhaps that it was retiring after achieving all its objectives. In a sense, its role was completed. (Camus 2002, Part V)They receive the announcement made by the Prefecture of reopening the town’s gates in 2 weeks time with enthusiasm. Dealing with concrete dates gives them certainty, helps them fix the temporal horizons we wrote about.

This is also the case when they are told that preventive measures would be lifted in 1 month. Camus shows us then how the main characters are touched as well by this positive atmosphere:That evening Tarrou and Rieux, Rambert and the rest, walked in the midst of the crowd, and they too felt they were treading on air. Long after leaving the boulevards Tarrou and Rieux could still hear the sounds of happiness following them… (Camus 2002, Part V)Then, Tarrou points out a sign of recovery coming from the animal world. In a direct zoological chain, infected fleas have vanished from rats, which have been able again to multiply across the city, making the cats abandon their hiding places and to go hunting after them again.

At the final step of this chain, Tarrou sees the human being. He remembers the old man who used to spit to the cats beneath his window:At a time when the noise grew louder and more joyful, Tarrou stopped. A shape was running lightly across the dark street. It was a cat, the first that had been seen since the spring.

It stopped for a moment in the middle of the road, hesitated, licked its paw, quickly passed it across its right ear, then carried on its silent way and vanished into the night. Tarrou smiled. The little old man, too, would be happy. (Camus 2002, Part V)Unpleasant things as a town with rats running across its streets, or a man spending his time spitting on a group of cats, constitute normality as much as the reopening of gates or the reboot of commerce.

However, when Camus speaks directly about normality, he highlights more appealing habits. He proposes common leisure activities (restaurants, theatres) as symbols of human life, since he opposes them to Cottard’s life, which has become that of a ‘wild animal’:At least in appearance he [ Cottard ] retired from the world and from one day to the next started to live like a wild animal. He no longer appeared in restaurants, at the theatre or in his favourite cafés. (Camus 2002, Part V)We do not disclose why Cottard’s reaction to the end of the epidemic is different from most of the Oranians’.

In any case, the narrator insists later on the assimilation between common pleasures and normality:‘ Perhaps,’ Cottard said, ‘ Perhaps so. But what do you call a return to normal life?. €™ ‘ New films in the cinema,’ said Tarrou with a smile. (Camus 2002, Part V)Cinema, as well as theatre, live music and many other cultural events have been cancelled or obliged to modify their activities due to erectile dysfunction treatment.

Several bars and restaurants have closed, and spending time in those who remain open has become an activity which many people tend to avoid, fearing contagion. Thus, normality in our understanding is linked as well to these simple and pleasant habits, and the complete achievement of them will probably signify for us the desired defeat of the levitra.In La Peste, love is also seen as a simple good to be fully recovered after the plague. While Rieux goes through the ‘reborn’ Oran, it is lovers’ gatherings what he highlights. Unlike them, everyone who, during the epidemic, sought for goals different from love (such as faith or money, for instance) remain lost when the epidemic has ended:For all the people who, on the contrary, had looked beyond man to something that they could not even imagine, there had been no reply.

(Camus 2002, Part V)And this is because lovers, as the narrator says:If they had found that they wanted, it was because they had asked for the only thing that depended on them. (Camus 2002, Part V)We have spoken before about language manipulation, hypocrisy and public figures’ roles during epidemics. Camus, during Dr Rieux’s last visit to the old asthmatic man, makes this frank and humble character criticise, with a point of irony, the authorities’ attitude concerning tributes to the dead:‘ Tell me, doctor, is it true that they’re going to put up a monument to the victims of the plague?. €™â€˜ So the papers say.

A pillar or a plaque.’‘ I knew it!. And there’ll be speeches.’The old man gave a strangled laugh.‘ I can hear them already. €œ Our dead…” Then they’ll go and have dinner.’ (Camus 2002, Part V)The old man illustrates wisely the authorities’ propensity for making speeches. He knows that most of them usually prefer grandiloquence rather than common words, and seizes perfectly their tone when he imitates them (‘Our dead…’).

We have also got used, during erectile dysfunction treatment, to these types of messages. We have also heard about ‘our old people’, ‘our youth’, ‘our essential workers’ and even ‘our dead’. Behind this tone, however, there could be an intention to hide errors, or to falsely convey carefulness. Honest rulers do not usually need nice words.

They just want them to be accurate.We have seen as well some tributes to the victims during erectile dysfunction treatment, some of which we can doubt whether they serve to victims’ relief or to authorities’ promotion. We want rulers to be less aware of their own image and to stress truthfulness as a goal, even if this is a hard requirement not only for them, but for every single person. Language is essential in this issue, we think, since it is prone to be twisted and to become untrue. The old asthmatic man illustrates it with his ‘There’ll be speeches’ and his ‘Our dead…’, but this is not the only time in the novel in which Camus brings out the topic.

For instance, he does so when he equates silence (nothing can be thought as further from wordiness) with truth:It is at the moment of misfortune that one becomes accustomed to truth, that is to say to silence. (Camus 2002, Part II)or when he makes a solid statement against false words:…I understood that all the misfortunes of mankind came from not stating things in clear terms. (Camus 2002, Part IV)The old asthmatic, in fact, while praising the deceased Tarrou, remarks that he used to admire him because ‘he didn’t talk just for the sake of it.’ (Camus 2002, Part V).Related to this topic, what the old asthmatic says about political authorities may be transposed in our case to other public figures, such as scholars and researchers, media leaders, businessmen and women, health professionals… and, if we extend the scope, to every single citizen. Because hypocrisy, language manipulation and the fact of putting individual interests ahead of collective welfare fit badly with collective issues such as epidemics.

Hopefully, also examples to the contrary have been observed during erectile dysfunction treatment.The story ends with the fireworks in Oran and the depiction of Dr Rieux’s last feelings. While he is satisfied because of his medical performance and his activity as a witness of the plague, he is concerned about future disasters to come. When erectile dysfunction treatment will have passed, it will be time for us as well to review our life during these months. For now, we are just looking forward to achieving our particular ‘part V’.AbstractThis study addresses the existing gap in literature that ethnographically examines the experiences of Spanish-speaking patients with limited English proficiency in clinical spaces.

All of the participants in this study presented to the emergency department (ED) for evaluation of non-urgent health conditions. Patient shadowing was employed to explore the challenges that this population face in unique clinical settings like the ED. This relatively new methodology facilitates obtaining nuanced understandings of clinical contexts under study in ways that quantitative approaches and survey research do not. Drawing from the field of medical anthropology and approach of narrative medicine, the collected data are presented through the use of clinical ethnographic vignettes and thick description.

The conceptual framework of health-related deservingness guided the analysis undertaken in this study. Structural stigma was used as a complementary framework in analysing the emergent themes in the data collected. The results and analysis from this study were used to develop an argument for the consideration of language as a distinct social determinant of health.emergency medicinemedical anthropologymedical humanitiesData availability statementData sharing not applicable as no datasets were generated and/or analysed for this study..

IntroductionLa Peste (Camus 1947) has served as a basis for cheap levitra for sale several critical works, including some in the field of medical humanities (Bozzaro 2018. Deudon 1988. Tuffuor and Payne cheap levitra for sale 2017).

Frequently interpreted as an allegory of Nazism (with the plague as a symbol of the German occupation of France) (Finel-Honigman 1978. Haroutunian 1964), it has also received philosophical readings beyond the sociopolitical context in which it was written (Lengers 1994). Other scholars, on the other hand, have centred their analyses on its literary aspects (Steel 2016).The erectile dysfunction treatment levitra has increased general interest about historical and cheap levitra for sale fictional epidemics.

La Peste, as one of the most famous literary works about this topic, has been revisited by many readers during recent months, leading to an unexpected growth in sales in certain countries (Wilsher 2020. Zaretsky 2020). Apart from cheap levitra for sale that, commentaries about the novel, especially among health sciences scholars, have emerged with a renewed interest (Banerjee et al.

2020. Bate 2020. Vandekerckhove 2020 cheap levitra for sale.

Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020). This sudden curiosity is easy to understand if we consider both La Peste’s literary value, and people’s desire to discover real or fictional situations similar to theirs. Indeed, Oran inhabitants’ experiences are not quite far from our own, even if geographical, chronological and, specially, scientific factors (two different diseases occurring at two different stages in the history of medical development) prevent us from establishing too close resemblances between both situations.Furthermore, it will not be strange if erectile dysfunction treatment serves as a cheap levitra for sale frame for fictional works in the near future.

Other narrative plays were based on historical epidemics, such as Daniel Defoe’s A Journal of the Plague Year or Giovanni Boccaccio’s Decameron (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020. Withington 2020). The biggest levitra in the last cheap levitra for sale century, the so-called ‘Spanish Influenza’, has been described as not very fruitful in this sense, even if it produced famous novels such as Katherine A Porter’s Pale Horse, Pale Rider or John O’Hara’s The Doctor Son (Honigsbaum 2018.

Hovanec 2011). The overlapping with another disaster like World War I has been argued as one of the reasons explaining this scarce production of fictional works (Honigsbaum 2018). By contrast, we may think that erectile dysfunction treatment is having a global impact hardly overshadowed by other events, and that it will leave a significant mark on the collective memory.Drawing on the reading cheap levitra for sale of La Peste, we point out in this essay different aspects of living under an epidemic that can be identified both in Camus’s work and in our current situation.

We propose a trip throughout the novel, from its early beginning in Part I, when the Oranians are not aware of the threat to come, to its end in Part V, when they are relieved of the epidemic after several months of ravaging disasters.We think this journey along La Peste may be interesting both to health professionals and to the lay person, since all of them will be able to see themselves reflected in the characters from the novel. We do not skip critique of some aspects related to the authorities’ management of erectile dysfunction treatment, as Camus does concerning Oran’s rulers. However, what we want to foreground is La Peste’s intrinsic value, its suitability to be read now and after erectile dysfunction treatment has passed, when Camus’s novel endures as a solid art work and erectile dysfunction treatment cheap levitra for sale remains only as a defeated plight.MethodsWe confronted our own experiences about erectile dysfunction treatment with a conventional reading of La Peste.

A first reading of the novel was used to establish associations between those aspects which more saliently reminded us of erectile dysfunction treatment. In a second reading, we searched for some examples to illustrate those aspects and tried to detect new associations. Subsequent readings of certain parts were done to integrate cheap levitra for sale the information collected.

Neither specific methods of literary analysis, nor systematic searches in the novel were applied. Selected paragraphs and ideas from Part I to Part V were prepared in a draft copy, and this manuscript was written afterwards.Part ISome phrases in the novel could be transposed word by word to our situation. This one cheap levitra for sale pertaining to its start, for instance, may make us remember the first months of 2020:By now, it will be easy to accept that nothing could lead the people of our town to expect the events that took place in the spring of that year and which, as we later understood, were like the forerunners of the series of grave happenings that this history intends to describe.

(Camus 2002, Part I)By referring from the beginning to ‘the people of our town’, Camus is already suggesting an idea which is repeated all along the novel, and which may be well understood by us as erectile dysfunction treatment’s witnesses. Epidemics affect the community as a whole, they are present in everybody’s mind and their joys and sorrows are not individual, but collective. For example (and we are anticipating Part II), the cheap levitra for sale narrator says:But, once the gates were closed, they all noticed that they were in the same boat, including the narrator himself, and that they had to adjust to the fact.

(Camus 2002, Part II)Later, he will insist in this opposition between the concepts of ‘individual’, which used to prevail before the epidemic, and ‘collective’:One might say that the first effect of this sudden and brutal attack of the disease was to force the citizens of our town to act as though they had no individual feelings. (Camus 2002, Part II)There were no longer any individual destinies, but a collective history that was the plague, and feelings shared by all. (Camus 2002, Part III)This distinction is not trivial, since the story will display a strong confrontation between those who get involved and cheap levitra for sale help their neighbours and those who remain behaving selfishly.

Related to this, Claudia Bozzaro has pointed out that the main topic in La Peste is solidarity and auistic love (Bozzaro 2018). We may add that the disease is so attached to people’s lives that the epidemic becomes the new everyday life:In the morning, they would return to the pestilence, that is to say, to routine. (Camus 2002, Part III)Being collective issues does not mean that epidemics always enhance auism cheap levitra for sale and solidarity.

As said by Wigand et al, they frequently produce ambivalent reactions, and one of them is the opposition between auism and maximised profit (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020). Therefore, the dichotomy between individualism and collectivism, a central point in the characterisation of national cultures (Hofstede 2015), could play a role in epidemics. In fact, cheap levitra for sale concerning erectile dysfunction treatment, some authors have described a greater impact of the levitra in those countries with higher levels of individualism (Maaravi et al.

However, this finding should be complemented with other national cultures’ aspects before concluding that collectivism itself exerts a protective role against epidemics. Concerning this, it has been shown how ‘power distance’ frequently intersects with collectivism, being only a few countries in which the last one coexists with a small distance to power, namely with a capacity to disobey the power authority (Gupta, Shoja, and Mikalef 2021). Moreover, those countries classically classified as ‘collectivist’ (China, Japan, South Korea, India, Vietnam, etc.) are also characterised by high levels of power distance, and their citizens have been quite often forced to adhere to erectile dysfunction treatment restrictions and punished if not (Gupta, Shoja, and Mikalef 2021).

Thus, it is important to consider that individualism is not always opposed to ‘look after each other’ (Ozkan et al. 2021, 9). For instance, the European region, seen as a whole as highly ‘individualistic’, holds some of the most advanced welfare protection systems worldwide.

It is worth considering too that collectivism may hide sometimes a hard institutional authority or a lack in civil freedoms.Coming back to La Peste, we may think that Camus’s Oranians are not particularly ‘collectivist’. Their initial description highlights that they are mainly interested in their own businesses and affairs:Our fellow-citizens work a good deal, but always in order to make money. They are especially interested in trade and first of all, as they say, they are engaged in doing business.

(Camus 2002, Part I)And later, we see some of them trying selfishly to leave the city by illegal methods. By contrast, we observe in the novel some examples of more ‘collectivistic’ attitudes, such as the discipline of those quarantined at the football pitch, and, over all, the main characters’ behaviour, which is generally driven by auism and common goals.Turning to another topic, the plague in Oran and erectile dysfunction treatment are similar regarding their animal origin. This is not rare since many infectious diseases pass to humans through contact with animal vectors, being rodents, especially rats (through rat fleas), the most common carriers of plague bacteria (CDC.

N.d.a, ECDC. N.d, Pollitzer 1954). Concerning erectile dysfunction, even if further research about its origin is needed, the most recent investigations conducted in China by the WHO establish a zoonotic transmission as the most probable pathway (Joint WHO-China Study Team 2021).

In Camus’s novel, the animal’s link to the epidemic seemed very clear since the beginning:Things got to the point where Infodoc (the agency for information and documentation, ‘ all you need to know on any subject’) announced in its free radio news programme that 6,231 rats had been collected and burned in a single day, the 25th. This figure, which gave a clear meaning to the daily spectacle that everyone in town had in front of their eyes, disconcerted them even more. (Camus 2002, Part I)This accuracy in figures is familiar to us.

People nowadays have become very used to the statistical aspects of the levitra, due to the continuous updates in epidemiological parameters launched by the media and the authorities. Camus was aware about the relevance of figures in epidemics, which always entail:…required registration and statistical tasks. (Camus 2002, Part II)Because of this, the novel is scattered with numbers, most of them concerning the daily death toll, but others mentioning the number of rats picked up, as we have seen, or combining the number of deaths with the time passed since the start of the epidemic:“ Will there be an autumn of plague?.

Professor B answers. €˜ No’ ”, “ One hundred and twenty-four dead. The total for the ninety-fourth day of the plague.” (Camus 2002, Part II)We permit ourselves to introduce here a list of recurring topics in La Peste, since the salience of statistical information is one of them.

These topics, some of which will be treated later, appear several times in the novel, in various contexts and stages in the evolution of the epidemic. We synthesise them in Table 1, coupled with a erectile dysfunction treatment parallel example extracted from online press. This ease to find a current example for each topic suggests that they are not exclusive of plague or of Camus’s mindset, but shared by most epidemics.View this table:Table 1 Recurring topics in La Peste.

Each topic is accompanied by two examples from the novel and one concerning erectile dysfunction treatment, extracted from online press.Talking about journalism and the media (one of the topics above), we might say that erectile dysfunction treatment’s coverage is frequently too optimistic when managing good news and too alarming when approaching the bad. Media’s ‘exaggerated’ approach to health issues is not new. It was already a concern for medical journals’ editors a century ago (Reiling 2013) and it continues to be it for these professionals in recent times (Barbour et al.

2008). It is well known that media tries to attract spectators’ attention by making the news more appealing. However, they deal with the risk of expanding unreliable information, which may be pernicious for the public opinion.

Related to the intention of ‘garnishing’ the news, Aslam et al. (2020) have described that 82% of more than 100 000 pieces of information about erectile dysfunction treatment appearing in media from different countries carried an emotional, either negative (52%) or positive (30%) component, with only 18% of them considered as ‘neutral’ (Aslam et al. 2020).

Some evidence about this tendency to make news more emotional was described in former epidemics. For instance, a study conducted in Singapore in 2009 during the H1N1 crisis showed how press releases by the Ministry of Health were substantially transformed when passed to the media, by increasing their emotional appeal and by changing their dominant frame or their tone (Lee and Basnyat 2013). In La Peste, this superficial way of managing information by the media is also observed:The newspapers followed the order that they had been given, to be optimistic at any cost.

(Camus 2002, Part IV)At the first stages of the epidemic in Oran, journalists proclaim the end of the dead rats’ invasion as something to be celebrated. Dr Rieux, the character through which Camus symbolises caution (and comparable nowadays to trustful scientists, well-informed journalists or sensible authorities), exposes then his own angle, quite far from suggesting optimism:The vendors of the evening papers were shouting that the invasion of rats had ended. But Rieux found his patient lying half out of bed, one hand on his belly and the other around his neck, convulsively vomiting reddish bile into a rubbish bin.

(Camus 2002, Part I)Camus, who worked as a journalist for many years, insists afterwards on this cursory interest that some media devote to the epidemic, more eager to grab the noise than the relevant issues beneath it:The press, which had had so much to say about the business of the rats, fell silent. This is because rats die in the street and people in their bedrooms. And newspapers are only concerned with the street.

(Camus 2002, Part I)By then, Oranians continue rejecting the epidemic as an actual threat, completely immersed in that phase that dominates the beginning of all epidemics and is characterised by ‘denial and disbelief’ (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020, 443):A pestilence does not have human dimensions, so people tell themselves that it is unreal, that it is a bad dream which will end. […] The people of our town were no more guilty than anyone else, they merely forgot to be modest and thought that everything was still possible for them, which implied that pestilence was impossible. They continued with business, with making arrangements for travel and holding opinions.

Why should they have thought about the plague, which negates the future, negates journeys and debate?. They considered themselves free and no one will ever be free as long as there is plague, pestilence and famine. (Camus 2002, Part I)Probably to avoid citizens' disapproval, among other reasons, the Oranian Prefecture (health authority in Camus' novel) does not want to go too far when judging the relevance of the epidemic.

While not directly exposed, we can guess in this fragment the tone of the Prefect’s message, his intention to convey confidence despite his own doubts:These cases were not specific enough to be really disturbing and there was no doubt that the population would remain calm. None the less, for reasons of caution which everyone could understand, the Prefect was taking some preventive measures. If they were interpreted and applied in the proper way, these measures were such that they would put a definite stop to any threat of epidemic.

As a result, the Prefect did not for a moment doubt that the citizens under his charge would co-operate in the most zealous manner with what he was doing. (Camus 2002, Part I)The relevant role acquired by health authorities during epidemics is another topic listed in our table. Language use, on the other hand, is an issue linkable both with the media topic and with this one.

As in La Peste, during erectile dysfunction treatment we have seen some public figures using words not always truthfully, carrying out a careful selection of words that serves to the goal of conveying certain interests in each moment. Dr Rieux refers in Part I to this language manipulation by the authorities:The measures that had been taken were insufficient, that was quite clear. As for the ‘ specially equipped wards’, he knew what they were.

Two outbuildings hastily cleared of other patients, their windows sealed up and the whole surrounded by a cordon sanitaire. (Camus 2002, Part I)He illustrates the need of frankness, the preference for clarity in language, which is often the clarity in thinking:No. I phoned Richard to say we needed comprehensive measures, not fine words, and that either we must set up a real barrier to the epidemic, or nothing at all.

(Camus 2002, Part I)At the end of this part, his fears about the inadequacy of not taking strict measures are confirmed. Oranian hospitals become overwhelmed, as they are now in many places worldwide due to erectile dysfunction treatment.Part IILeft behind the phases of ‘denial and disbelief’ and of ‘fear and panic’, it appears among the Oranians the ‘acceptance paired with resignation’ (Wigand, Becker, and Steger 2020, 443):Then we knew that our separation was going to last, and that we ought to try to come to terms with time. […] In particular, all of the people in our town very soon gave up, even in public, whatever habit they may have acquired of estimating the length of their separation.

(Camus 2002, Part II)In erectile dysfunction treatment as well, even if border closure has not been so immovable as in Oran, many people have seen themselves separated from their loved ones and some of them have not yet had the possibility of reunion. This is why, in the actual levitra, the idea of temporal horizons has emerged like it appeared in Camus’s epidemic. In Spain, the general lockdown in March and April 2020 made people establish the summer as their temporal horizon, a time in which they could resume their former habits and see their relatives again.

This became partially true, and people were allowed in summer to travel inside the country and to some other countries nearby. However, there existed some reluctance to visit ill or aged relatives, due to the fear of infecting them, and some families living in distant countries were not able to get together. Moreover, autumn brought an increase in the number of cases (‘the second wave’) and countries returned to limit their internal and external movements.Bringing all this together, many people nowadays have opted to discard temporal horizons.

As Oranians, they have noted that the epidemic follows its own rhythm and it is useless to fight against it. Nonetheless, it is in human nature not to resign, so abandoning temporal horizons does not mean to give up longing for the recovery of normal life. This vision, neither maintaining vain hopes nor resigning, is in line with Camus’s philosophy, an author who wrote that ‘hope, contrary to what it is usually thought, is the same to resignation.’ (Camus 1939, 83.

Cited by Haroutunian 1964, 312 (translation is ours)), and that ‘there is not love to human life but with despair about human life.’ (Camus 1958, 112–5. Cited by Haroutunian 1964, 312–3 (translation is ours)).People nowadays deal with resignation relying on daily life pleasures (being not allowed to make further plans or trips) and in company from the nearest ones (as they cannot gather with relatives living far away). Second, they observe the beginning of vaccination campaigns as a first step of the final stage, and summer 2021, reflecting what happened with summer 2020, has been fixed as a temporal horizon.

This preference for summers has an unavoidable metaphorical nuance, and their linking to joy, long trips and life in the streets may be the reason for which we choose them to be opposed to the lockdown and restrictions of the levitra.We alluded previously to the manipulation of language, and figures, as relevant as they are, they are not free from manipulation either. Tarrou, a close friend to Dr Rieux, points out in this part of the novel how this occurred:Once more, Tarrou was the person who gave the most accurate picture of our life as it was then. Naturally he was following the course of the plague in general, accurately observing that a turning point in the epidemic was marked by the radio no longer announcing some hundreds of deaths per week, but 92, 107 and 120 deaths a day.

€˜The newspapers and the authorities are engaged in a battle of wits with the plague. They think that they are scoring points against it, because 130 is a lower figure than 910.’ (Camus 2002, Part II)Tarrou collaborates with the health teams formed to tackle the plague. Regarding these volunteers and workers, Camus refuses to consider them as heroes, as many essential workers during erectile dysfunction treatment have rejected to be named as that.

The writer thinks their actions are the natural behaviour of good people, not heroism but ‘a logical consequence’:The whole question was to prevent the largest possible number of people from dying and suffering a definitive separation. There was only one way to do this, which was to fight the plague. There was nothing admirable about this truth, it simply followed as a logical consequence.

(Camus 2002, Part II)We consider suitable to talk here about two issues which represent, nowadays, a great part of erectile dysfunction treatment fears and hopes, respectively. New genetic variants and treatments. Medical achievements are another recurrent issue included in table 1, and we write about them here because it is in Part II where Camus writes for the first time about treatments, and where it insists on an idea aforementioned in Part I.

That the plague bacillus affecting Oran is different from previous variants:…the microbe differed very slightly from the bacillus of plague as traditionally defined. (Camus 2002, Part II)Related to erectile dysfunction treatment new variants, they represent a challenge because of two main reasons. Their higher transmissibility and/or severity and their higher propensity to skip the effect of natural or treatment-induced immunity.

Public health professionals are determining which is the actual threat of all the new variants discovered, such as those first characterised in the UK (Public Health England 2020), South Africa (Tegally et al. 2021) or Brazil (Fujino et al. 2021).

In La Peste, Dr Rieux is always suspecting that the current bacteria they are dealing with is different from the one in previous epidemics of plague. Since several genetic variations for the bacillus Yersinia pestis have been characterised (Cui et al. 2012), it could be possible that the epidemic in Oran originated from a new one.

However, we should not forget that we are analysing a literary work, and that scientific accuracy is not a necessary goal in it. In fact, Rieux’s reluctances have to do more with clinical aspects than with microbiological ones. He doubts since the beginning, relying exclusively on the symptoms observed, and continues doing it after the laboratory analysis:I was able to have an analysis made in which the laboratory thinks it can detect the plague bacillus.

However, to be precise, we must say that certain specific modifications of the microbe do not coincide with the classic description of plague. (Camus 2002, Part II)Camus is consistent with this idea and many times he mentions the bacillus to highlight its oddity. Insisting on the literary condition of the work, and among other possible explanations, he is maybe declaring that that in the novel is not a common (biological, natural) bacteria, but the Nazism bacteria.Turning to treatments, they constitute the principal resource that the global community has to defeat the erectile dysfunction treatment levitra.

Vaccination campaigns have started all over the world, and three types of erectile dysfunction treatments are being applied in the European Union, after their respective statements of efficacy and security (Baden et al. 2021. Polack et al.

2020. Voysey et al. 2021), while a fourth treatment has just recently been approved (EMA 2021a).

Although some concerns regarding the safety of two of these treatments have been raised recently (EMA 2021b. EMA 2021c), vaccination plans are going ahead, being adapted according to the state of knowledge at each moment. Some of these treatments are mRNA-based (Baden et al.

2021. Polack et al. 2020), while others use a viral vector (Bos et al.

They are mainly two-shot treatments, with one exception (Bos et al. 2020), and complete immunity is thought to be acquired 2 weeks after the last shot (CDC. N.d.b, Voysey et al.

2021). Other countries such as China or Russia, on the other hand, were extremely early in starting their vaccination campaigns, and are distributing among their citizens different treatments than the aforementioned (Logunov et al. 2021.

Zhang et al. 2021).Even if at least three types of plague treatments had been created by the time the novel takes place (Sun 2016), treatments do not play an important role in La Peste, in which therapeutic measures (the serum) are more important than prophylactic ones. Few times in the novel the narrator refers to prophylactic inoculations:There was still no possibility of vaccinating with preventive serum except in families already affected by the disease.

(Camus 2002, Part II)Deudon has pointed out that Camus mixes up therapeutic serum and treatment (Deudon 1988), and in fact there exists a certain amount of confusion. All along the novel, the narrator focuses on the prophylactic goals of the serum, which is applied to people already infected (Othon’s son, Tarrou, Grand…). However, both in the example above (which can be understood as vaccinating household contacts or already affected individuals) and in others, the differences between treating and vaccinating are not clear:After the morning admissions which he was in charge of himself, the patients were vaccinated and the swellings lanced.

(Camus 2002, Part II)In any case, this is another situation in which Camus stands aside from scientific matters, which are to him less relevant in his novel than philosophical or literary ones. The distance existing between the relevance of treatments in erectile dysfunction treatment and the superficial manner with which Camus treats the topic in La Peste exemplifies this.Part IIIIn part III, the plague’s ravages become tougher. The narrator turns his focus to burials and their disturbance, a frequent topic in epidemics’ narrative (table 1).

Camus knew how acutely increasing demands and hygienic requirements affect funeral habits during epidemics:Everything really happened with the greatest speed and the minimum of risk. (Camus 2002, Part III)Like many other processes during epidemics, the burial process becomes a protocol. When protocolised, everything seems to work well and rapidly.

But this perfect mechanism is the Prefecture’s goal, not Rieux’s. He reveals in this moment an aspect in his character barely shown before. Irony.The whole thing was well organized and the Prefect expressed his satisfaction.

He even told Rieux that, when all was said and done, this was preferable to hearses driven by black slaves which one read about in the chronicles of earlier plagues. €˜ Yes,’ Rieux said. €˜ The burial is the same, but we keep a card index.

No one can deny that we have made progress.’ (Camus 2002, Part III)Even if this characteristic may seem new in Dr Rieux, we must bear in mind that he is the story narrator, and the narration is ironic from time to time. For instance, speaking precisely about the burials:The relatives were invited to sign a register –which just showed the difference that there may be between men and, for example, dogs. You can keep check of human beings-.

(Camus 2002, Part III)In Camus’s philosophy, the absurd is a core issue. According to Lengers, Rieux is ironic because he is a kind of Sisyphus who has understood the absurdity of plague (Lengers 1994). The response to the absurd is to rebel (Camus 2013), and Rieux does it by helping his fellow humans without questioning anything.

He does not pursue any other goal than doing his duty, thus humour (as a response to dire situations) stands out from him when he observes others celebrating irrelevant achievements, such as the Prefect with his burial protocol. In the field of medical ethics, Lengers has highlighted the importance of Camus’s perspective when considering ‘the immediacy of life rather than abstract values’ (Lengers 1994, 250). Rieux himself is quite sure that his solid commitment is not ‘abstract’, and, even if he falls into abstraction, the importance relies on protecting human lives and not in the name given to that task:Was it truly an abstraction, spending his days in the hospital where the plague was working overtime, bringing the number of victims up to five hundred on average per week?.

Yes, there was an element of abstraction and unreality in misfortune. But when an abstraction starts to kill you, you have to get to work on it. (Camus 2002, Part II)Farewells during erectile dysfunction treatment may have not been particularly pleasant for some families.

Neither those dying at nursing homes nor in hospitals could be accompanied by their families as previously, due to corpses management protocols, restrictions of external visitors and hygienic measures in general. However, as weeks passed by, certain efforts were made to ease this issue, allowing people to visit their dying beloved sticking to strict preventive measures. On the other hand, the number of people attending funeral masses and cemeteries was also limited, which affected the conventional development of ceremonies as well.

Hospitals had to deal with daily tolls of deaths never seen before, and the overcrowding of mortuaries made us see rows of coffins placed in unusual spaces, such as ice rinks (transformation of facilities is another topic in table 1).We turn now to two other points which erectile dysfunction treatment has not evaded. s among essential workers and epidemics’ economic consequences. The author links burials with s among essential workers because gravediggers constitute one of the most affected professions, and connects this fact with the economic recession because unemployment is behind the large availability of workers to replace the dead gravediggers:Many of the male nurses and the gravediggers, who were at first official, then casual, died of the plague.

[…] The most surprising thing was that there was never a shortage of men to do the job, for as long as the epidemic lasted. […] When the plague really took hold of the town, its very immoderation had one quite convenient outcome, because it disrupted the whole of economic life and so created quite a large number of unemployed. […] Poverty always triumphed over fear, to the extent that work was always paid according to the risk involved.

(Camus 2002, Part III)The effects of the plague over the economic system are one of our recurrent topics (table 1). The plague in Oran, as it forces to close the city, impacts all trading exchanges. In addition, it forbids travellers from arriving to the city, with the economic influence that that entails:This plague was the ruination of tourism.

(Camus 2002, Part II)Oranians, who, as we saw, were very worried about making money, are especially affected by an event which jeopardises it. In erectile dysfunction treatment, for one reason or for another, most of the countries are suffering economic consequences, since the impact on normal life from the epidemic (another recurrent topic) means also an impact on the normal development of trading activities.Part IVIn Part IV we witness the first signals of a stabilisation of the epidemic:It seemed that the plague had settled comfortably into its peak and was carrying out its daily murders with the precision and regularity of a good civil servant. In theory, in the opinion of experts, this was a good sign.

The graph of the progress of the plague, starting with its constant rise, followed by this long plateau, seemed quite reassuring. (Camus 2002, Part IV)At this time, we consider interesting to expand the topic about the transformation of facilities. We mentioned the case of ice rinks during erectile dysfunction treatment, and we bring up now the use of a football pitch as a quarantine camp in Camus’s novel, a scene which has reminded some scholars of the metaphor of Nazism and concentration camps (Finel-Honigman 1978).

In Spain, among other measures, a fairground was enabled as a field hospital during the first wave, and it is plausible that many devices created with other purposes were used in tasks attached to healthcare provision during those weeks, as occurred in Oran’s pitch with the loudspeakers:Then the loudspeakers, which in better times had served to introduce the teams or to declare the results of games, announced in a tinny voice that the internees should go back to their tents so that the evening meal could be distributed. (Camus 2002, Part IV)Related to this episode, we can also highlight the opposition between science and humanism that Camus does. The author alerts us about the dangers of a dehumanised science, of choosing procedures perfectly efficient regardless of their lack in human dignity:The men held out their hands, two ladles were plunged into two of the pots and emerged to unload their contents onto two tin plates.

The car drove on and the process was repeated at the next tent.‘ It’s scientific,’ Tarrou told the administrator.‘ Yes,’ he replied with satisfaction, as they shook hands. €˜ It’s scientific.’ (Camus 2002, Part IV)Several cases with favourable outcomes mark Part IV final moments and prepare the reader for the end of the epidemic. To describe these signs of recovering, the narrator turns back to two elements with a main role in the novel.

Rats and figures. In this moment, the first ones reappear and the second ones seem to be declining:He had seen two live rats come into his house through the street door. Neighbours had informed him that the creatures were also reappearing in their houses.

Behind the walls of other houses there was a hustle and bustle that had not been heard for months. Rieux waited for the general statistics to be published, as they were at the start of each week. They showed a decline in the disease.

(Camus 2002, Part IV)Part VGiven that we continue facing erectile dysfunction treatment, and that forecasts about its end are not easy, we cannot compare ourselves with the Oranians once they have reached the end of the epidemic, what occurs in this part. However, we can analyse our current situation, characterised by a widespread, though cautious, confidence motivated by the beginning of vaccination campaigns, referring it to the events narrated in Part V.Even more than the Oranians, since we feel further than them from the end of the problem, we are cautious about not to anticipate celebrations. From time to time, however, we lend ourselves to dream relying on what the narrator calls ‘a great, unadmitted hope’.

erectile dysfunction treatment took us by surprise and everyone wants to ‘reorganise’ their life, as Oranians do, but patience is an indispensable component to succeed, as fictional and historical epidemics show us.Although this sudden decline in the disease was unexpected, the towns-people were in no hurry to celebrate. The preceding months, though they had increased the desire for liberation, had also taught them prudence and accustomed them to count less and less on a rapid end to the epidemic. However, this new development was the subject of every conversation and, in the depths of people’s hearts, there was a great, unadmitted hope.

[…] One of the signs that a return to a time of good health was secretly expected (though no one admitted the fact) was that from this moment on people readily spoke, with apparent indifference, about how life would be reorganized after the plague. (Camus 2002, Part V)We put our hope on vaccination. Social distancing and other hygienic measures have proved to be effective, but treatments would bring us a more durable solution without compromising so hardly many economic activities and social habits.

As we said, a more important role of scientific aspects is observed in erectile dysfunction treatment if compared with La Peste (an expected fact if considered that Camus’s story is an artistic work, that he skips sometimes the most complex scientific issues of the plague and that health sciences have evolved substantially during last decades). Oranians, in fact, achieve the end of the epidemic not through clearly identified scientific responses but with certain randomness:All one could do was to observe that the sickness seemed to be going as it had arrived. The strategy being used against it had not changed.

It had been ineffective yesterday, and now it was apparently successful. One merely had the feeling that the disease had exhausted itself, or perhaps that it was retiring after achieving all its objectives. In a sense, its role was completed.

(Camus 2002, Part V)They receive the announcement made by the Prefecture of reopening the town’s gates in 2 weeks time with enthusiasm. Dealing with concrete dates gives them certainty, helps them fix the temporal horizons we wrote about. This is also the case when they are told that preventive measures would be lifted in 1 month.

Camus shows us then how the main characters are touched as well by this positive atmosphere:That evening Tarrou and Rieux, Rambert and the rest, walked in the midst of the crowd, and they too felt they were treading on air. Long after leaving the boulevards Tarrou and Rieux could still hear the sounds of happiness following them… (Camus 2002, Part V)Then, Tarrou points out a sign of recovery coming from the animal world. In a direct zoological chain, infected fleas have vanished from rats, which have been able again to multiply across the city, making the cats abandon their hiding places and to go hunting after them again.

At the final step of this chain, Tarrou sees the human being. He remembers the old man who used to spit to the cats beneath his window:At a time when the noise grew louder and more joyful, Tarrou stopped. A shape was running lightly across the dark street.

It was a cat, the first that had been seen since the spring. It stopped for a moment in the middle of the road, hesitated, licked its paw, quickly passed it across its right ear, then carried on its silent way and vanished into the night. Tarrou smiled.

The little old man, too, would be happy. (Camus 2002, Part V)Unpleasant things as a town with rats running across its streets, or a man spending his time spitting on a group of cats, constitute normality as much as the reopening of gates or the reboot of commerce. However, when Camus speaks directly about normality, he highlights more appealing habits.

He proposes common leisure activities (restaurants, theatres) as symbols of human life, since he opposes them to Cottard’s life, which has become that of a ‘wild animal’:At least in appearance he [ Cottard ] retired from the world and from one day to the next started to live like a wild animal. He no longer appeared in restaurants, at the theatre or in his favourite cafés. (Camus 2002, Part V)We do not disclose why Cottard’s reaction to the end of the epidemic is different from most of the Oranians’.

In any case, the narrator insists later on the assimilation between common pleasures and normality:‘ Perhaps,’ Cottard said, ‘ Perhaps so. But what do you call a return to normal life?. €™ ‘ New films in the cinema,’ said Tarrou with a smile.

(Camus 2002, Part V)Cinema, as well as theatre, live music and many other cultural events have been cancelled or obliged to modify their activities due to erectile dysfunction treatment. Several bars and restaurants have closed, and spending time in those who remain open has become an activity which many people tend to avoid, fearing contagion. Thus, normality in our understanding is linked as well to these simple and pleasant habits, and the complete achievement of them will probably signify for us the desired defeat of the levitra.In La Peste, love is also seen as a simple good to be fully recovered after the plague.

While Rieux goes through the ‘reborn’ Oran, it is lovers’ gatherings what he highlights. Unlike them, everyone who, during the epidemic, sought for goals different from love (such as faith or money, for instance) remain lost when the epidemic has ended:For all the people who, on the contrary, had looked beyond man to something that they could not even imagine, there had been no reply. (Camus 2002, Part V)And this is because lovers, as the narrator says:If they had found that they wanted, it was because they had asked for the only thing that depended on them.

(Camus 2002, Part V)We have spoken before about language manipulation, hypocrisy and public figures’ roles during epidemics. Camus, during Dr Rieux’s last visit to the old asthmatic man, makes this frank and humble character criticise, with a point of irony, the authorities’ attitude concerning tributes to the dead:‘ Tell me, doctor, is it true that they’re going to put up a monument to the victims of the plague?. €™â€˜ So the papers say.

A pillar or a plaque.’‘ I knew it!. And there’ll be speeches.’The old man gave a strangled laugh.‘ I can hear them already. €œ Our dead…” Then they’ll go and have dinner.’ (Camus 2002, Part V)The old man illustrates wisely the authorities’ propensity for making speeches.

He knows that most of them usually prefer grandiloquence rather than common words, and seizes perfectly their tone when he imitates them (‘Our dead…’). We have also got used, during erectile dysfunction treatment, to these types of messages. We have also heard about ‘our old people’, ‘our youth’, ‘our essential workers’ and even ‘our dead’.

Behind this tone, however, there could be an intention to hide errors, or to falsely convey carefulness. Honest rulers do not usually need nice words. They just want them to be accurate.We have seen as well some tributes to the victims during erectile dysfunction treatment, some of which we can doubt whether they serve to victims’ relief or to authorities’ promotion.

We want rulers to be less aware of their own image and to stress truthfulness as a goal, even if this is a hard requirement not only for them, but for every single person. Language is essential in this issue, we think, since it is prone to be twisted and to become untrue. The old asthmatic man illustrates it with his ‘There’ll be speeches’ and his ‘Our dead…’, but this is not the only time in the novel in which Camus brings out the topic.

For instance, he does so when he equates silence (nothing can be thought as further from wordiness) with truth:It is at the moment of misfortune that one becomes accustomed to truth, that is to say to silence. (Camus 2002, Part II)or when he makes a solid statement against false words:…I understood that all the misfortunes of mankind came from not stating things in clear terms. (Camus 2002, Part IV)The old asthmatic, in fact, while praising the deceased Tarrou, remarks that he used to admire him because ‘he didn’t talk just for the sake of it.’ (Camus 2002, Part V).Related to this topic, what the old asthmatic says about political authorities may be transposed in our case to other public figures, such as scholars and researchers, media leaders, businessmen and women, health professionals… and, if we extend the scope, to every single citizen.

Because hypocrisy, language manipulation and the fact of putting individual interests ahead of collective welfare fit badly with collective issues such as epidemics. Hopefully, also examples to the contrary have been observed during erectile dysfunction treatment.The story ends with the fireworks in Oran and the depiction of Dr Rieux’s last feelings. While he is satisfied because of his medical performance and his activity as a witness of the plague, he is concerned about future disasters to come.

When erectile dysfunction treatment will have passed, it will be time for us as well to review our life during these months. For now, we are just looking forward to achieving our particular ‘part V’.AbstractThis study addresses the existing gap in literature that ethnographically examines the experiences of Spanish-speaking patients with limited English proficiency in clinical spaces. All of the participants in this study presented to the emergency department (ED) for evaluation of non-urgent health conditions.

Patient shadowing was employed to explore the challenges that this population face in unique clinical settings like the ED. This relatively new methodology facilitates obtaining nuanced understandings of clinical contexts under study in ways that quantitative approaches and survey research do not. Drawing from the field of medical anthropology and approach of narrative medicine, the collected data are presented through the use of clinical ethnographic vignettes and thick description.

The conceptual framework of health-related deservingness guided the analysis undertaken in this study. Structural stigma was used as a complementary framework in analysing the emergent themes in the data collected. The results and analysis from this study were used to develop an argument for the consideration of language as a distinct social determinant of health.emergency medicinemedical anthropologymedical humanitiesData availability statementData sharing not applicable as no datasets were generated and/or analysed for this study..